Much as the protagonist in the 17th century Spanish epic, the E.U. sees itself as a knight seeking to do good – and, in the process, finding enemies where there may be none. On a quest to limit the ecological impacts of E.U. commodities imports, this regulation is tilting at windmills, attacking illusionary foes.

The windmills right now in the E.U.’s case are countries that export commodities such as timber, palm oil, coffee, cocoa and rubber to Europe, which has long called for greater monitoring of the environmental impact of this kind of trade.  

At its core, the new legislation, which entered into force on 29 June, holds that firms importing goods into Europe need to prove they did not originate from land cleared since 31 December, 2020. Companies must also confirm imported commodities are produced in compliance with the “relevant laws” of their country of origin.

Trade partners such as Indonesia and Malaysia, which together produce about 83% of the world’s palm oil supply, share many of the ecological goals and declarations as stated by E.U. lawmakers.

But in May, the two sent a mission to Brussels arguing the Deforestation Regulation discriminated against their palm-oil-dependent economies and would harm their agricultural sectors. Both have long perceived the E.U. as taking unfair advantage of palm oil to stifle competition against its own oilseed crops, particularly rapeseed, and view the new regulation as yet another act of economic protectionism pressed under the cover of environmental concern.

In 2018, when Europe banned palm oil from biofuel use under the E.U. Renewable Energy Directive (RED), palm-oil-producing states lobbed accusations of ‘crop apartheid’. They soon appeared vindicated when the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) published a report acknowledging the land efficiency and productivity of palm oil as a crop – as compared to other seed-oils, including those preferred by Europe – meant there were “no easy solutions” to regulating its role in deforestation.

“Palm oil is decimating South East Asia’s rich diversity of species as it eats into swathes of tropical forest,” said Erik Meijaard, the report’s lead author and then-chair of IUCN’s Oil Palm Task Force. “But if it is replaced by much larger areas of rapeseed, soy or sunflower fields, different natural ecosystems and species may suffer. To put a stop to the destruction we must work towards deforestation-free palm oil, and make sure all attempts to limit palm oil use are informed by solid scientific understanding of the consequences.”

The new Deforestation Regulation are unconvincing on that last point, which should concern conservation-minded readers. To their credit, the E.U. Commission has set up a Joint Task Force with Malaysia and Indonesia to address issues related to palm oil smallholders and other challenges of the regulation’s implementation. 

But they’ll have to work quickly on that front. European importers now have 18 months or less to find a way to comply with this new legislation. The only sure way for them to meet this target is if the E.U. acknowledges certification programs for targeted commodities. For the palm oil industries, national programmes such as the Malaysia Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) scheme and its Indonesian counterpart (ISPO), must be counted in as credible enablers towards meeting the regulatory deadline.

Though these domestic sustainability schemes are not perfect programmes, they have greatly developed in recent years and have made tangible advancements in reigning in deforestation.

This would seem to be evidenced by the World Resources Institute (WRI) in its latest report on Global Forest Review. The report found that Indonesia and Malaysia marked near-record low levels of deforestation even as tropical forest loss elsewhere worsened in 2022, making specific mention of the MSPO and other domestic, industry-focused measures of recent years.

This kind of data will be instrumental in the E.U.-Malaysia-Indonesia task force’s work to resolve the palm oil problem, which stands in the way of trade deals between the three entities. If the E.U. refuses to acknowledge the ongoing efforts to make the industry more sustainable, it will effectively discourage its further advancement – instead incentivising producers to turn their backs on the European market as they seek less discriminating trade partners in Africa and Asia. 

Major exporting countries such as Brazil, the world’s biggest exporter of soy, have chosen to brush off the demands of the new E.U. regulation by quoting national laws as being compliant with global commitments. It is worth noting at this point that the expansion of soy plantations is the second-largest direct driver of deforestation and conversion, after the expansion of pasture for cattle farming and land speculation. 

Brazil’s confidence in maintaining its exports is bolstered by China and – as a further disregard of what the E.U. is demanding in terms of deforestation – these two countries have made a joint commitment to end illegal deforestation. This is very different from what the E.U. is demanding, which is that all imported commodities must be free of deforestation, whether legal or illegal.

Back in Southeast Asia, E.U. Member of Parliament Bernd Lange has appealed for understanding of the E.U.’s position in an opinion published in The Jakarta Post. The European Parliament in ASEAN tweeted in support, urging a constructive and result-oriented negotiation with Indonesia towards a trade agreement. 

Such negotiations are in everybody’s best interest, especially when compared to a more Quixotic approach. But the European Parliament should note that consensus on the regulation can only be reached when the E.U. stops making one-sided demands on its trade partners and engages with them as part of the solution to greener supply chains – not as the problem. 

Robert Hii is an independent industry monitor whose focus is on the sustainability of palm oil. He was born in Sarawak, Malaysian Borneo, and later moved to Canada. He now runs CSPO Watch, a platform that monitors the palm oil industry with a focus on sustainability.

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Indonesia’s biodiesel programme is known as B35 and, as of 1 February, it now requires a biodiesel blend of 35% palm-based fuel – a level unmatched in biofuel mandates around the world. The programme is meant to incentivise biodiesel production for domestic use through subsidies funded by the country’s palm oil export tax.

But a new report from palm oil farmers union SPKS asserts that some of the very same companies that pay these export taxes end up making back the money and much more through biodiesel subsidies, to the tune of upwards of $1 billion in profits. Almost a year after a full-on export ban sparked nationwide protests, the union’s report paints these subsidies as effectively nullifying a key export control.

“This is a program that benefits conglomerates. Why? Because with the subsidies they get, they will expand their refineries,” said Mansuetus Darto, secretary general of SKPS. 

Palm oil giant Wilmar received nearly three times the amount in subsidies compared to what it paid in export levies, the report states, making about $950 million in profit from January 2019 to September 2021. Fellow palm oil producers Darmex Agro, Sungai Budi and Permata Hijau also made net profits through government biodiesel subsidies, according to the report. 

Indonesia’s palm oil fund management agency BPDPKS, the Indonesian Palm Oil Association and Wilmar did not respond to requests for comment in time for publication.

The union is considering filing a complaint with the Constitutional Court to clarify if it is legal for Indonesia’s Palm Oil Fund Management Agency to allocate funds toward biodiesel subsidies.

How the biodiesel blending program works

On 1 February, Indonesia implemented a new biodiesel blending requirement, upping the mandated amount of biofuel derived from palm oil from 30% to 35%. The new program is expected to increase domestic consumption by about 1.8 million metric tons. The policy is the latest measure by the Indonesian government to shore up the domestic market for palm oil. 

Indonesia is the world’s largest supplier of palm oil, producing around 60% of the global supply. The new policy further solidifies Indonesia’s standing as the country with the world’s largest biodiesel mandate. Malaysia, the second largest supplier of palm oil, postponed its plans to fully roll out a mandate of just 20% in 2022. 

“Apart from Indonesia, the main countries that have imposed blending standards of significance have been the EU, there’s also a rising importance of biodiesel blending in South American countries,” said Adrian Ladaniwskyj, senior market analyst with Mecardo. “But in terms of the percentage, [Indonesia’s policy] is definitely the highest percentage of blending standard that is mandated across the globe.”

Indonesia’s February increase is the first biodiesel blending adjustment since the beginning of 2020 before the major global impacts of the coronavirus pandemic. The policy follows another restriction implemented in January that further limits the amount of palm oil companies can export. The Southeast Asian nation has gradually increased its biodiesel mandate since 2008. 

Other countries have also implemented similar export controls in the last several years in response to inflation on consumer goods. Argentina, for example, continues to ban exports of certain kinds of beef in an attempt to keep costs low for local consumers.

“Export controls to try and control domestic inflation for particularly food products has been something that’s probably become fairly fashionable, right across the world,” Ladaniwskyj said. “Especially since the Ukraine war and also since food prices have inflated substantially.”

Policy change comes after tumultuous 2022

The B35 program was rolled out nearly a year after Indonesia’s all-out ban on palm oil exports in April 2022, an unprecedented measure that shocked the global market in an already turbulent moment.

The move was intended to preserve domestic supply of palm oil, a national cooking staple, at a time when prices were at historic highs amidst a worldwide vegetable oil shortage. The Russian invasion of Ukraine had cratered production of sunflower oil, while droughts in South America shrivelled soybean-based oil supply.

Pressured to fill the gap, Southeast Asian palm oil producers found themselves in the spotlight. But labour shortages in Malaysia led to low output, while Indonesia turned to protectionism to keep local shelves stocked with affordable oil.

Indonesia’s earlier efforts to keep domestic prices low through export restrictions had failed to do so.

Corruption limited domestic supply in Indonesia as export permits were illegally distributed to companies. A government investigation found evidence of cartel activity among Indonesia’s powerful palm oil producers colluding to keep prices high, stockpiling cooking oil to limit what was available on the market. 

The price increases left the poor population in the Muslim-majority country struggling to purchase palm cooking oil ahead of Ramadan. Two Indonesians died while standing in long lines waiting to get their hands on a limited supply of fixed-price cooking oil.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo said while he implemented the ban on 28 April 2022 that “meeting the people’s needs is a more important priority” than exporting.

But the ban led to palm oil farmers protesting across the country. Farmers travelled to Jakarta to march in the streets with truckloads of fresh fruit bunches as they rallied against the government’s ban. The protests highlighted the tension between domestic consumer needs and producers wanting to profit from extraordinary international demand.

“Both palm oil farmers and consumers of cooking oil protested for two different reasons, the farmers aiming to get more profit from the export market,” said Pujo Semedi, a professor at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta who researches rural agriculture and anthropology. “However, if everything was exported, Indonesian consumers would protest too because the price of cooking oil will follow foreign prices.”

Widodo reversed the block just three weeks after it went into effect. But in 2022 the government implemented 20 other palm oil regulatory changes, according to the Center for Indonesian Policy Studies (CIPS), from providing direct cash assistance to poor households to a policy that actually accelerated the export of crude palm oil. A report from CIPS concluded that the frequent policy changes were ultimately ineffective.

“[The ban on exports] was an ill-advised regulation,” said Muhammad Nidhal, a research assistant with the Center for Indonesian Policy Studies. “It affected not only the local or domestic side, but also on the global stage. It affected our trade partners in Pakistan, in India, and even in China and some European countries. It devastated and exacerbated the crisis.”

Amidst all of the policy fluctuation, one palm oil measure was not altered in 2022: the biodiesel blending requirement. 

“It was a strange omission, [the biodiesel policy] was virtually untouched,” said Aditya Alta, the head of agriculture and food security research at the Center for Indonesian Policy Studies. “No one talked about that.”

What the Indonesian government stands to gain

With the new adjustment to the biodiesel policy, the Indonesian government is not only boosting the domestic industry. The policy also serves national security interests by pushing the country to become more self-sufficient when it comes to fuel. 

“By producing transport fuels out of major crops that they have on [their islands], it reduces their reliance on imports of crude oil and other petroleum based fuels,” Ladaniwskyj said. And that in turn, “improves national security and their ability to operate a lot more independently from other countries.”

The country’s palm oil exporters also recently faced a major blow: the European Union adopted new environmental requirements for importing fuel. Indonesian producers will have a harder time exporting palm oil to the EU as an industry linked to deforestation in the country, despite recent improvements. 

“There’s a lot of negative social and environmental issues which are involved with palm oil, but it is a huge employer within Indonesia,” Ladaniwskyj said. The new program will help replace some of the previous international demand, and “that helps the industry to remain relevant, and also maintain its production and employment and its contribution to the Indonesian economy.”

The most recent measures are less extreme than the all-out ban of 2022, and the more measured approach has not caused the kind of shock to the market as the previous year. International demand is also lower and prices are not at the highs of last year. Looking forward, the government has communicated that it will reevaluate and consider changing its policies based on market responses and domestic needs, said Aditya Alta.

“[This year] is probably not going to descend into something as serious as an export ban,” he said. “But then, the flip side of the coin is that the government can change the policy at will.”

Effects on palm oil smallholders

The union’s report released on 7 February represents the latest critique of biodiesel subsidies in Indonesia. The government in 2020 had announced $195 million in subsidies toward biodiesel production, which was criticised by environmental groups.

SPKS secretary general Manuseutus Dartos said B35 not only props up palm oil giants, but that the policy is also not profitable for smallholder palm oil farmers. 

“It will also erode the price of fresh fruit bunches at the smallholder level,” he said, because the subsidies will reduce the price of crude palm oil. “If the crude palm oil price is cut, then it will have a downward impact [on farmers].”

The policy harms smallholders, the report states, and palm oil farmers are the ones “who fall victim and pay the ultimate price” for the biodiesel program. The union said it hopes to raise awareness of the monopolistic practices of palm oil companies that are “detrimental and do not favour the interests of the community”.

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Instead, Thi Bay now spends several days a week collecting snails on the outskirts of her village, Chong Kneas, one of several houseboat communities along the banks of Southeast Asia’s largest freshwater lake. She mostly sells the snails to locals, who like to buy directly from fishers to ensure the freshest produce. Even still, this barely supports her and her granddaughter, Thi Bay said as she plucked another snail from her trap, which she’d fashioned from submerged branches.

“I prefer to fish. Nobody buys snails every day,” she said. But in the face of an ongoing crackdown on illegal fishing on the lake – and constantly changing rules around what is allowed, and where – she doesn’t dare go fishing. “We are in trouble if we do anything illegal. But even if I am not guilty, I don’t want to risk it.”

The rules and regulations around fishing on the Tonle Sap – the seasonal flooding of which is often referred to as the ‘beating heart of the Mekong’ – have swung on a political pendulum over the past decade. Many of these changes have coincided with Cambodia’s election cycles at the national and commune levels.

In the run-up to a 2012 election, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen dissolved a century-old privatised fishing model in a populist bid that opened the lake to all.

But a decade later, with international partners such as the European Union investing upwards of $100 million dollars to revamp Cambodia’s fisheries sector, Hun Sen announced a crackdown on illegal fishing on Tonle Sap, lurching back to more restrictive management. Officially, the crackdown was only meant to affect those practising illegal methods, such as electrofishing, which uses electric currents to stun fish.

However, the gusto with which these orders have been enforced has scared off many other fishers, including Thi Bay, while fines and equipment confiscations have left residents of the lake’s floating villages struggling to find new livelihoods.

‘Let the people be the owner’

Fishing lots have existed on Tonle Sap in various forms since at least the 1880s. The general premise of a lot is simple: Only the lot owner can fish within that designated area during a specific season.

In the more modern system, which was re-established in the late 1980s during Cambodia’s civil conflict, lot ownership and licences were auctioned to the highest bidder for thousands of dollars. 

A 2007 study found that this system often deepened inequalities between lot owners and other fishers, causing conflicts over access. But this highly exclusive system limited the number of fishers active on the lake and safeguarded spawning areas, thereby limiting pressure on the lake’s natural resources.

In the floating village of Kampong Khleang, not far from where Thi Bay was collecting snails, fisherman Chhong Pov sells his daily catch for less than 3,000 Cambodian riel, barely $0.70. Having fished on Tonle Sap for nearly 50 years, Pov has witnessed half a century of back-and-forth management on the lake. 

With his daily income in hand, on a recent morning he pointed his boat back towards home and muttered: “I don’t know where the fish are going, but they are gone.”

“When there was a lot system, I could earn more because people protected the lot,” continued Pov. “Even if the lot owner decided to take the fish out, there was still fish left because the remaining fish spawned inside the lot and swam out. There could be boatloads of fish.”

This was until 2012, when Hun Sen abolished Tonle Sap’s last fishing lots – which at the time covered nearly 600 square kilometres. Several lots had been dissolved prior to this final order.

“Lot owners may be angry at me but I do not care about those who benefit. What matters to me is the Cambodian people receive the benefit,” said Hun Sen at the time.

According to a 2015 study on the fallout of this move, former lot owners said that “the government had manipulated access to resources to pacify the fishermen in exchange for votes.” 

A report by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature a year later found that in the aftermath of the lots being dissolved, “no steps were taken to prepare or reinforce communities or governments in order to avoid a ‘tragedy of the commons’ whereby inequitable but well managed fishing lots were replaced by a free for all.” 

The pressure created by this open access added to a number of severe threats already facing Tonle Sap’s fisheries, including the impacts of hydropower development and climate change.

A record-breaking drought in the lower Mekong River basin between 2019 and 2021 showcased the devastating effects of these compounding factors. The Mekong’s water flow hit record lows in this period, hitting fisheries in the river and Tonle Sap hard. Cambodia’s Fisheries Administration recorded drops in fish production across the country.

Experts attributed the cause of the drought to hydroelectric dams upstream withholding water, as well as low and erratic rainfall during the wet season. A 2021 report from the Mekong River Commission noted that “climate change and the El Nino event are likely to have contributed to the delayed and reduced monsoon rain” in 2021. The drought followed a historic wildfire season in 2018 that scorched hundreds of thousands of acres of the lake’s flooded forests. 

Crackdowns drive tensions

In March 2022, Hun Sen ordered a crackdown on illegal fishing and logging on and near Tonle Sap, leading to regulatory changes around fishing locations and the type of equipment allowed.

Long Senhout, an official with the Ministry of Environment stationed near Kampong Khleang, said funding for local law enforcement was also increased, and more consistent patrolling was approved.

The eager enforcement of this new order has strained relationships with local communities, Senhout said. “It is hard for them because they got used to the larger lot system, then they got used to not having it, and now they are getting used to new rules. People are not really happy.”

“The rules keep changing and the fish keep getting smaller, but what choice is there?” said Chhong Pov, who unlike Thi Bay, sees no alternative to fishing. “I am a fisherman, I must fish.”

Residents of floating villages along the shores of Tonle Sap, like Chhong Pov, say the crackdown has left fishers operating both legally and illegally terrified of fines and arrests. But with few options for alternative livelihoods around the villages, Pov said he chooses food over fear.

Efforts to revive the Tonle Sap fisheries

In March 2022, Wonders of the Mekong, a research project funded by the US Agency for International Development, released nearly 1,600 fish – all threatened species – into the Tonle Sap, in an attempt to bolster wild populations. The organisation plans to release 5,000 more fish in mid-January in the Tonle Sap River in Phnom Penh.

“We know this fishery is under pressure. We know that regulations have changed in the last 10 years to really open up this area to a lot more fishermen than may have previously been in the system,” said Elizabeth Everest, a Wonders of the Mekong researcher. “I don’t know when the particular year is when things will be at a point of no return. But in the research community, there is a lot of concern for the area.”

Hoy Sreynov, an officer in the Cambodian Fisheries Administration’s Department of Aquaculture Development, manages the ponds where threatened fish are raised for release. She said this process increases the chances for endangered species in the wild, and helps safeguard Tonle Sap’s key role in seasonal fish migration up and down stream.

‘I gave up and changed my occupation’

Across the lake from Chhong Pov and Thi Bay, in the floating village of Kampong Luong, Chum Sreynga is tending to her floating garden.

“My occupation was fishing, but fishing is not good,” said Sreynga. “The lake is almost completely empty. So, I gave up and changed my occupation [to growing vegetables].”

Chum’s is one of 12 former fishing families who are experimenting with floating gardens in Kampong Luong, with the support of the charity Voluntary Services Overseas and CAPFISH, a multi-million-dollar European Union initiative attempting to revamp Cambodia’s fisheries sector and aid those attempting to find sustainable alternative livelihoods to fishing.

The search for alternative livelihoods is only becoming more desperate as Tonle Sap’s ecosystem buckles under the pressures of human activity and politics, perhaps spelling an end to a way of life on Cambodia’s great lake.

“I decided to grow vegetables because I wanted to have something to eat,” Sreynga said. “The fish are declining but I have a business that can sustain my living so I don’t care now. I had to move on.”

Photos by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe. Additional reporting by Sophanna Lay

This story was produced in collaboration with The Third Pole

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Flooding hits Bangkok every monsoon season with almost total certainty. As the capital endlessly urbanises, less permeable land is available to absorb water, increasing flood risks during heavy rain, experts say. Some areas are in the process of becoming ‘upgraded’ or relocated in line with a 2016 government project aimed to help drain water out of the city. But some residents feel it’s harming the community more than it helps. 

“There’s no justice,” said Bung Amnuay, a Lat Phrao homeowner with a family of seven. “I’ve been living here all my life, and they want me to move to a space where there’s not enough space for my family.”

Most of these homes belong to low-income families like Bung and Surin. Many local’s houses are built on stilts directly above the canal water. Trash is routinely dumped either by accident or intention, into the water below. As the canals are all connected in a web-like system, trash flows together from many different sources ultimately joining at Latphrao Canal.

Significant measures, including canal dredging to increase water flow are essential to increase the efficiency of the canals, experts say. But the main drainage pathways clogged by waste from the city to the Chao Phraya river, mean they do not drain with full functionality. 

“Bangkok’s structure has been changing rapidly,” said Sunyaluk Kongkijakarn, the drainage system development director with Bangkok’s drainage department in a press conference in August. “Previously empty places have rapidly been turned into high-density areas. Therefore, our system is not able to handle it yet.”

Bangkok’s newly-elected governor, Chadchart Sittipunt said at a press briefing in July that the canals are one of Bangkok’s core drainage systems, and are crucial to help drain water out to the Chao Phraya River. 

 “The real heart of Bangkok, in both the east and the west, is the canal,” Chadchart said. “The concept is that water from the city can be moved via the canals to reach the water gates before getting pumped out [to the Chao Phraya River]. The most important point to strategize is the canals.” 

Canals were dug to reduce travel times around the Chao Phraya River in the late 1800s. The Lat Phrao Canal was completed in 1872 to help facilitate water flow, but also to open up land for farming on both sides of the waterway.

The canal areas are still home to thousands of families who are informally living on the land. Estimates suggest there are approximately 50 communities along the 22-kilometre-long Lat Phrao Canal, totalling at least 7,069 households. These communities are vulnerable to the worst effects of flooding.

And when a devastating flood hit Thailand in 2011, countless people called for a nationwide response. Eventually the government decided to improve the informal housing that encroached the canals in order to help drain water out of Bangkok.

The plans were not realised until 2016 under the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), the temporary governing body born from the 2014 military coup. The Cabinet approved a budget of 4,061 million baht (108 million USD) for the Community Organisations Development Institute (CODI) to improve the housing for the communities along the Lat Phrao Canal.

Informal canal communities will be one of Thailand’s most impacted groups by the long-term effects of climate change, according to the Porous City Network. Sea level rise and increased rainfall pose a serious threat to Bangkok, especially to the Lat Prao Canal communities. 

Today, houses are in the process of being moved onto land. A key aspect of the project is guaranteed housing rights for those who live in the area. The arrangement includes financial assistance to support a portion of the construction costs. After 15 years, houses will be under the tenants’ name, but the land would still be owned by the Treasury Department.

Out of the 22 kilometres long canal, only three sections have been developed successfully. And one of the challenges is establishing housing rights among the existing residents. 

“The quality of life has changed from one side of the hand to another,” said Prapatson Chutong, a homeowner living along Lat Phrao Canal. “I’m really happy. I’ve been living here my whole life, so I know.”

She believes the housing development project involves sacrifices, but is necessary for the greater good. 

“People who are not willing to be part of the development, I have to say that they are self-interested. They don’t see the benefit to the public good to develop the area.” 

For Somnieng Bonlu, a 65-year old community leader in Pibul Ruamjai 2 Community, the project is one of the only feasible options.

“It provides a solution for residents in the community,” he said.

Somnieng has seen the transition of the Lat Phrao Canal since its origins. Originally, the land was used for rice farms. But when people moved to Bangkok, landowners would rent out small plots to build homes. As time went on, the land was passed to the Treasury Department and rented monthly from around $0.02 – 0.08 per metre and most houses paid less than $0.31 (50 Thai baht) each month back in the 1950s.

But in modern Bangkok, the flooding crisis continues to make headlines. Residents are desperately hoping that they won’t have to face the same floods they saw in 2011. For many living in the area, they can no longer live at the mercy of the rising water.

“[The development] shows that the canal can be re-envisioned as something better,” Somnieng said. “ More than a waste waterway or slum, but a lively community that is inviting for visitors.”

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Sixty-two-year-old Liong Lanajo already put two daughters through university by reeling in fishing nets while his youngest still studies. Two decades ago, Lanajo followed his wife to Lero Tatari, her village along the coast of Central Sulawesi in eastern Indonesia.

But their community may soon be at risk. 

At this moment, a 100 megawatt capacity coal power plant is being built beside their homes. Activists warn it will produce carcinogenic fumes and wastewater that could destroy the nearby fishing grounds.

“There has not been any impact assessment,” Lanajo said. “We are concerned.”

The PLTU Palu 3 power plant, scheduled to fire up in 2024, is one of more than 110 coal plants that have been in construction across Indonesia over the last decade. And they come at a high human cost.

Their cumulative toxic pollutants are predicted to cause the premature deaths of more than 28,000 people, according to a 2015 Harvard University study. Coal ash increases the risk of cardiovascular and respiratory illness and is linked with lowering IQ and impairing physical development, a multitude of studies have shown.

These coal power plants will also fuel 17 planned nickel smelters, adding to the 13 already in existence, which are becoming critical infrastructure in the global electric vehicle (EV) supply chain reliant on nickel-heavy, energy dense lithium-ion batteries. 

Indonesia is the biggest nickel producer in the world, and the need for lithium-ion batteries to power EV vehicles is driving a surge in battery-grade nickel demand. Indonesia seeks to capitalise by controlling all aspects of its supply chain from nickel mining, to battery production, going so far as to ban the export of nickel in 2020.

At least nine of the top 20 EV manufacturers are linked to Indonesian nickel, including Tesla and BMW, a 2020 report found. 

While EV emission reductions are an environmental boon, Indonesia has stripped bare its environmental regulations in part to streamline the EV supply chain’s development, often leaving communities surrounding industrial facilities blind about the impacts they may experience, activists and researchers say.

For national priority projects, including major nickel producing industrial parks in the 19 subsidised Special Economic Zones (SEZs), environmental impact assessments have been weakened by new laws. The power plant in Palu will fuel the nearby Palu SEZ, whose managers hope to house a major nickel smelter.

Lero Tatari residents say they have not been warned by authorities of the power plant’s effects or received offers to relocate.

“We want to know about the health impact,” said Muhsli Djafar, a coconut seller who lives with his family behind the power plant.  “How can we move? With what money?” his wife, Najmiah added.

In the absence of government transparency, local activists from The Mining Advocacy Network (JATAM), have documented the construction process. Youth activists assessed the  future environmental and social consequences for Lero Tatari based on the experiences of other communities.

“They [authorities] never consult with the local people about what the effect will be,” said Stevi Rasinta Papuling, a JATAM activist who, along with her colleague Wandi Rakata, spent months investigating the power plant in Lero Tatari. 

“The construction gives a huge impact, but people are never really informed.”

Their research also highlighted the decade-long struggle of Arzad Hasan, who lives 150 metres (492 feet) from a 66 megawatt coal power plant, close enough that it disrupted his day to day life once operations began in 2007. Vibrations from the plant rattled his walls, and ash sometimes settled on plates before meals could be served.

“Everyday, we had to breathe the waste from the power plant,” Hasan said. “On a normal day, when the units were operating, you couldn’t even talk because of the noise.”

A horrific tsunami devastated Sulawesi in 2018, ending the Panau power plant’s operations. But health impacts linked to the coal ash fumes and waste, dumped in a towering mass directly behind the village, have remained.

There have been at least 21 deaths which Hasan claims are linked to the coal ash in his community of some 3,000 people, a 25 kilometres (15.5 miles) drive down the coast from Lero Tatari. 

Hasan’s neighbour, Risani Ningsih, lost her husband in 2020 to throat cancer. The family lives 300 metres (984 feet) from the power plant. Her son now has a lump growing on his throat.

“It’s too late,” Ningsih warned the Lero Tatari villagers. “Find a way to not get sick.”

On the east side of Sulawesi, Sitti Huma Ira watched boiling waste water from cooling coal power plants pour out into the bay. The fish have been gone for years. 

“It’s not good for our health,” Ira said as her children played in the shadow of three coal stacks belching black smoke. “All the people here have a cough and itch.”

They live in Kurisa, a seaside neighbourhood of around 200 families within the Morowali Industrial Park, Indonesia’s largest nickel production site, powered mainly by 6 million tonnes of coal each year. The first nickel smelters started running in 2015, initially for steel and now claiming a significant role in the EV supply chain. 

Among the most prominent companies in the park is Chinese steel conglomerate Tsingshan Group. Tsingshan owns stakes in companies that sell battery-grade metal components to a Korean battery manufacturer supplying BMW, Volkswagen and Volvo. 

Most of Indonesia’s nickel reserves are lower quality. Transforming them into battery-grade components requires an energy-intensive and environmentally destructive process known as High Pressure Acid Leaching (HPAL). Local NGOs like the Indonesian Forum for the Environment, warn that the half a dozen HPAL smelters in construction, including in Morowali, will exacerbate existing impacts on local fisheries and public health.

Ira’s husband, Haji Rusman, said he must travel at least five miles out from the coast to reach clean enough seas for fishing.

More than half of residents in villages near the park have acute respiratory infections, according to local public health records.

Another Kurisa resident, Mardani, who spent nearly 10 years working as a public relations officer for the park, said the surrounding communities benefited economically from renting rooms to the workforce of more than 38,000.

It was late July, southwind season, when coal shipped in from across the Indonesian archipelago was off-loaded, blowing particles across the bay into the village. 

Mardani acknowledged the negatives were obvious, gesturing to the coastline red from mining waste. The industrial park had built a net to retain the coal dust, but Mardani said this hasn’t worked as the dust is too fine. He wiped a table with a tissue, revealing thick, black grime. 

“Sometimes, what we see with our eyes as clean, is not really clean,” Mardani said.

The new nickel smelters, fueled by powerful domestic coal companies, are helping keep Indonesia “politically locked into the coal industry,” said Adhityani Putri, director of the Jakarta-based climate policy NGO Yayasan Indonesia Cerah. 

Despite Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s September 2021 promise to halt Belt & Road Initiative funding for coal power, at least 10 new coal power plants linked to nickel processing at Indonesian industrial parks are in the works, according to research from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA). Six are in Morowali alone, though some companies have also promised to add clean energy. 

Several residents in communities surrounding the park said they have not been consulted on these developments and companies have only provided them with some support such as vents for school classrooms after sustained protest.

“We have no idea where the disposal of the waste will be,” said Yuliadin, a 23-year-old resident of Labota village within the park. “For the company that wants to do their project here, please pay careful attention, the community suffers from their ignorance.”

Indonesia’s state electric company, known as PLN, has monopolised energy production, investing in 35,000 megawatts of mostly coal power production.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo promised to end coal power construction after completing the dozens of coal plants planned, though there is no clear plan to implement renewables on a wide scale, Indonesian energy analysts say. 

Nickel supply chain concerns are pushing EV producers such as Ford and Tesla to embrace nickel-free lithium iron phosphate (LFP) batteries. 

Currently, producing electric vehicles can sometimes be less environmentally sustainable due to nickel components, according to Isabelle Huber, a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. 

“It’s a big thing, but still not a thing that makes EVs an unviable option to reduce emissions and transportation,” she said. “EVs still emit less over their whole life cycle.”

Investors in the prospective nickel smelter at the Palu Special Economic Zone have expressed interest in green energy, the site’s manager Jimmy Lizardo said. But he acknowledged the industrial site will be powered by state electricity, including the coal power plant in nearby Lero Tatari. Lizardo later said he did not know when PLN would source energy for the SEZ.

The community of Lero Tatari, mostly unaware of the special economic zone under development, still openly wonder about the power plant’s eventual impact. For now, they continue to enjoy summer nights where the ocean ripples with fish, the seawinds retain the scent of salt and fishermen haul in their sunset catch.

Hasan, the activist from neighbouring Panau village, fears these peaceful communities will never be the same. 

“Many people are going to die there because of the coal ash.”

The post Communities are suffering in Indonesia’s coal-fired EV supply chain appeared first on Southeast Asia Globe.

ផ្សែងហុយទ្រលោមចេញមកពីក្រោយគ្រឿងចក្រជាច្រើនគ្រឿង កំពុងឈូសកម្ទេចកម្ទីឈើនៅតំបន់ព្រៃអភិរក្ស ក្រោយទទួលបញ្ជាទើបតែប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃមុននេះ។

គំនរឈើដ៏ច្រើនបានផ្តល់ភាពងាយស្រួលដល់អ្នកមីង កឹម ឃីម ក្នុងការកាប់យកទៅធ្វើរបង និងសម្រាប់ធ្វើអុសប្រើប្រាស់។ ជាមួយនឹងការប្រើប្រាស់កាំបិតផ្គាក់សម្រាប់កាប់ឈើងាប់អស់ទាំងនេះ គាត់សង្ឃឹមថានឹងគ្រាន់បានយកទៅផ្ទះ នៅជិតនេះ។

អ្នកស្រុករាប់រយនាក់ រួមទាំងសកម្មភាពរបស់គ្រឿងចក្រជាច្រើនគ្រឿង  បានជួយឈូសឆាយដីសម្រាប់ការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញយ៉ាងរហ័ស។ នៅចុងបញ្ចប់នៃថ្ងៃដំបូង មានកូនឈើប្រណិតរាប់ពាន់ដើមទើបនឹងត្រូវបានគេដាំថ្មីៗ។

យុទ្ធនាការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញ បានចាប់ផ្តើមក្រោយពីមានការឈូសឆាយព្រៃ ដែលស្ថិតនៅតំបន់ភ្នំតាម៉ៅ ក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។ នៅមុននេះតែប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃប៉ុណ្ណោះ តំបន់ព្រៃនេះ ត្រូវបានកំណត់ឲ្យប្រែក្លាយទៅជាទីក្រុងរណបមួយ។ ប៉ុន្តែគម្រោងនេះ ទទួលរងការរិះគន់យ៉ាងចាស់ដៃនៅលើបណ្ដាញសង្គម រហូតលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ចេញបញ្ជាឲ្យបញ្ឈប់សកម្មភាពឈូសឆាយ។

លោក នីក ម៉ាក (Nick Marx) នាយក​កម្មវិធី​សង្គ្រោះ និង​ថែទាំ​សត្វ​ព្រៃ​ នៃ​អង្គការ​សម្ព័ន្ធ​មិត្ត​សត្វព្រៃ (Wildlife Alliance)  បាននិយាយថា៖ “វាគឺជាការជួយជ្រោមជ្រែងពីសាធារណជន និងជាការអន្តរាគមន៍ពីនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ដែលបានសង្គ្រោះព្រៃភ្នំតាម៉ៅ”។ 

“ខ្ញុំមិនអាចនិយាយបានទេថា តើសកម្មភាពបែបនេះ កើតមាននៅកន្លែងផ្សេងទៀតក្នុងប្រទេស រឺមួយក៏អត់ទេ”។ 

ក្រុមហ៊ុនអភិវឌ្ឍ និងក្រសួងដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធក្នុងរឿងដោះដូរដីធ្លី ពេលនេះកំពុងទទួលបានកោតសរសើរទាក់ទងនឹងការសង្គ្រោះព្រៃ ដែលនៅសេសសល់ និងការផ្តល់ប្រាក់ដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញលើដីព្រៃអភិរក្សនេះ ថ្វីបើការដោះដូរនេះ ប្រែប្រួលភ្លាមៗ ក្រោយមានបញ្ជាពីនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី។

អ្នកជំនាញបារម្ភអំពីការដាំកូនឈើ ដែលមានលក្ខណៈប្រញាប់ប្រញាល់បែបនេះ នឹងមិនអាចជួយឲ្យប្រព័ន្ធអេកូឡូស៊ី វិលមកដូចសភាពវិញបាននោះទេ ដែលកាលពីមុនធ្លាប់ជាព្រៃព័ទ្ធជុំវិញមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសង្គ្រោះសត្វព្រៃ និងធ្លាប់ជាកន្លែងសត្វព្រៃត្រូវបានគេដោះលែង។ 

ប៉ុន្តែ បន្ទាប់ពីគម្រោងអភិវឌ្ឍដីព្រៃមានការផ្លាស់ប្តូរភ្លាមៗបែបនេះ វាបានធ្វើឲ្យក្រុមសកម្មជន ក្រុមអ្នកអភិរក្ស និងក្រុមអ្នកវិភាគនយោបាយមានការចម្លែកចិត្តផងដែរ ទាក់ទិននឹងករណីព្រៃភ្នំតាម៉ៅនេះ។ 

ក្រុមអ្នកសុទិដ្ឋិនិយមសង្ឃឹមថា ការឆ្លើយតបរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី គឺជាការសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ទៅលើការប្តេជ្ញាចិត្តជាថ្មីរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល ក្នុងការគ្រប់គ្រងធនធានធម្មជាតិឲ្យមាននិរន្តរភាព។ ក្រុមអ្នកការនិយមស្ទង់ស្ទាបថា នេះគឺជាករណីសិក្សាអំពីកិច្ចការពារព្រៃឈើមួយ ដែលនិយាយពីភាពចាំបាច់នៃការគាំទ្រលើបណ្តាញសង្គមដើម្បីរការពារតំបន់អភិរក្សជាច្រើនផ្សេងទៀត។ ក្រុមអ្នកមជ្ឈធាតុនិយមវិញជឿថា សកម្មភាពរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល គឺជាឆាកល្ខោន ជាពិសេសដើម្បីត្រៀមខ្លួនសម្រាប់ការបោះឆ្នោតថ្នាក់ជាតិ នៅពេលខាងមុខនា ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០២៣។

ប្រតិកម្មមិនគាំទ្រនៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅ

មានការជជែកវែកញែកតាំងតែពីដើមមកម៉្លេះ អំពីរឿងដោះដូរដីព្រៃនេះ។ ក្រុមហ៊ុនអភិវឌ្ឍ និងមន្ត្រីរដ្ឋាភិបាល នូវតែមិនបានបកស្រាយ អំពីគោលបំណងប្រើប្រាស់ដីព្រៃអភិរក្សនេះ។

ប៉ុន្តែមានឯកសារលេចធ្លាយ ដែលលាយឡំនឹងការបង្ហោះលើបណ្តាញសង្គម និងការផ្លាកប៉ាណូផ្សាយ​ពាណិជ្ជកម្ម បានបង្ហាញពីគម្រោងសាងសង់ទីក្រុងរណបថ្មី នៅជិតព្រលានយន្តហោះអន្តរជាតិថ្មីរបស់កម្ពុជា ដែលនឹងសាងសង់រួចរាល់នៅឆ្នាំ​ ២០២៣ នឹងតភ្ជាប់ទៅភ្នំពេញតាមផ្លូវជាតិ ដែលទើបនឹងជួសជុលរួចរាល់ថ្មីៗនេះ ចម្ងាយត្រឹមតែ ៤០ គីឡូម៉ែត្រ ។

អង្គការសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តសត្វព្រៃ និងក្រុមអភិរក្សជាច្រើន​ រួមមាន អង្គការសត្វព្រៃ និងរុក្ខជាតិអន្តរជាតិ (Fauna & Flora International) និងអង្គការ Free the Bears បានបង្ហាញនូវការព្រួយបារម្ភ អំពីអនាគតសួនសត្វភ្នំតាម៉ៅ និងមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសង្គ្រោះសត្វព្រៃ ដែលរាំងស្ទះដល់ការអភិវឌ្ឍ។ អង្គការទាំងនេះ ក៏ខ្វាយខ្វល់អំពីសុខុមាលភាពរបស់សត្វសង្គ្រោះជាច្រើន ដែលត្រូវបានគេដោះលែងចូលទៅក្នុងព្រៃវិញក្នុងរយៈពេលពីរទសវត្សរ៍កន្លងមកនេះ។

ទោះបីជាមានការជំទាស់នឹងគម្រោងអភិវឌ្ឍន៍យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក៏ការកាប់ឆ្ការព្រៃទ្រង់ទ្រាយតូច បានចាប់ផ្តើមដំបូងនៅថ្ងៃទី ៣១ ខែ កក្កដា។ នេះបើយោងតាមការសន្និដ្ឋានដោយប្រៀបធៀបរវាងរូបភាព ថតដោយផ្កាយរណប និងរូបភាពដែលថតផ្ទាល់ពីព្រៃដោយអង្គការសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តសត្វព្រៃនៅតំបន់នោះ។។ ប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃក្រោយមក គេឃើញមានសកម្មភាពឈូសឆាយដីព្រៃក្នុងសំទុះយ៉ាងលឿន អស់ប្រមាណ ៦០០ ហិកតា ដោយចំណាយត្រឹមតែមួយសប្តាហ៍ដំបូងនៃខែ សីហា។ 

ល្បឿន និងទ្រង់ទ្រាយនៃការកាប់ឆ្ការព្រៃនេះ បានបង្កឲ្យមានការឆ្លើយតបដ៏គួរឲ្យភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលនៅលើបណ្តាញសង្គម។ វីដេអូបង្ហាញពីដីវាលរហោស្ថាន ត្រូវបានគេបង្ហោះ ដោយភ្ជាប់ជាមួយ hashtags ដូចជាពាក្យ #សង្គ្រោះភ្នំតាម៉ៅ #SavePhnomTamao បានផ្សព្វផ្សាយទៅដល់អ្នកប្រើប្រាស់បណ្តាញសង្គមរាប់ពាន់នាក់នៅថ្ងៃដំបូង។ 

រដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើ នៃ​ក្រសួង​កសិកម្ម​ រុក្ខប្រមាញ់​ និង​នេសាទ ដែលគ្រប់គ្រងព្រៃនៅតំបន់ភ្នំតាម៉ៅ  បានធ្វើឲ្យមហាជនដែលប្រើប្រាស់បណ្តាញសង្គមមានប្រតិកម្មកាន់តែខ្លាំង ដោយសារតែ​ស្ថាប័ន​នេះ​បាន​ចេញ សេចក្តីថ្លែងការគាំទ្រលើគម្រោង​អភិវឌ្ឍ​នោះ ដោយអះអាងថា មិនមាន សត្វជិតផុតពូជនៅក្នុងព្រៃ​នេះ​ទេ  ហើយបន្ថែមថាសត្វព្រៃនោះបានបង្កភាពរំខានដល់ប្រជាកសិករ។ ការអះអាងនោះ ត្រូវបានលោក ម៉ាក្ស និងព្រះសង្ឃនៅវត្តថ្មអន្ទង ស្ថិតនៅតំបន់ដីព្រៃខាងលើ បាននិយាយចំៗថា ការលើកឡើងរបស់ក្រសួងមិនមែនជាការពិតទេ។

ប្រធានរដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើ លោក កែវ អូម៉ាលីស្ស (Keo Omaliss) មិនបានធ្វើការឆ្លើយតប ទៅនឹងសំណើរជាច្រើនដង ដើម្បីទទួលបានការបំភ្លឺអំពីរឿងនេះ។ រីឯលោក ញឹក រតនៈពេជ្រ ជាប្រធាន​ឧទ្យាន​សួនសត្វនិងជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសង្គ្រោះសត្វព្រៃ​ភ្នំតាម៉ៅ បានបដិសេធក្នុងការផ្តល់មតិ។

មិនដល់មួយសប្តាហ៍ផង បន្ទាប់ពីសកម្មភាពឈូសឆាយបានចាប់ផ្តើម ហើយក៏មានការចែករំលែក មានការបញ្ចេញមតិលើបណ្តាញសង្គម និងមានអត្ថបទចុះផ្សាយយ៉ាងព្រោងព្រាត ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងរឿងនេះ លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានធ្វើការបង្ហោះលើបណ្តាញសង្គម ឲ្យមានការបញ្ឈប់កសកម្មភាពឈូសឆាយ ខណៈដែលការដោះដូរដីព្រៃសម្រាប់ការអភិវឌ្ឍនោះ ដើមឡើយចេញពីទីស្តីការគណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ដែលបានបើកភ្លើងខៀវ។

ការបង្ហោះលើបណ្តាញសង្គមរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី បានក្លាយទៅជាចំណាត់ការ ដែលផ្អាកការដោះដូរដី និងរំសាយចោលលិខិតអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យមានការអភិវឌ្ឍតំបន់អភិរក្សនេះ បានយ៉ាងមានប្រសិទ្ធភាព។ សេចក្តីបង្គាប់របស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី បានប្រគល់សិទ្ធិកាន់កាប់ដីទៅឲ្យខាងក្រសួង ជាមួយនឹងការណែនាំឲ្យការពារព្រៃជុំវិញសួនសត្វ និងមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសង្គ្រោះសត្វព្រៃ។

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បានបង្គាប់ឲ្យក្រុមហ៊ុនបញ្ឈប់សកម្មភាព ព្រមទាំងឲ្យធ្វើការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញ នៅតំបន់ដែលត្រូវបានឈូសឆាយ។ លោកបានបង្ហោះសារថា “មានសំណូមពរជាច្រើនមកកាន់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលដើម្បីរក្សាទុកព្រៃ” និងបានថ្លែងអំណរគុណដល់អ្នកដែលបានចូលរួមផ្តល់ “យោបល់ប្រកបដោយការស្ថាបនា”។ 

សារបង្ហោះអនឡាញរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី មិនបានបញ្ជាក់ថា ការបញ្ជាផ្ទាល់នេះ នឹងចូលជាធរមានរយៈពេលប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃនោះទេ។ ទន្ទឹមនឹងនេះដែរ លោក ម៉ាក្ស បានមើលឃើញថា គ្មានឯកសារផ្លូវការណាមួយផ្សេង ក្រៅពីសារបង្ហោះរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីនោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែគាត់បាននិយាយយ៉ាងជឿជាក់ថា “ព្រៃនៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅពេលនេះមានសុវត្ថិភាពហើយ”។

ម៉ាក្ស បាននិយាយថា៖ “អារម្មណ៍របស់សាធារណជនពិតជាខ្លាំង ដែលធ្វើឲ្យនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីចេញអន្តរាគមន៍សង្គ្រោះព្រៃនេះ” នៅក្នុងវីដេអូ ដែលលោកអង្វរឲ្យមានការសង្គ្រោះភ្នំតាម៉ៅ មានចំនួនទស្សនាជាច្រើន​ម៉ឺន​ដង។ ឃ្លីបវីដេអូនេះ ក្រោយមកត្រូវបានលុបចេញពីហ្វេសប៊ុកផេចរបស់អង្គការសម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តសត្វព្រៃ ហើយត្រូវបានជំនួសវិញដោយការបង្ហោះវីដេអូថ្លែងអំណរគុណដល់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី និងសាធារណជនក្នុងការសង្គ្រោះសត្វព្រៃជំនួសវិញ។

ព្រះមហាក្សត្រ ព្រះនរោត្តម សីហមុនី ទ្រង់បានឡាយព្រហស្ថលើព្រះរាជក្រឹត្យនៅថ្ងៃ ១៩ ខែ សីហា ស្តីពីការការពារព្រៃនៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅ។ ព្រះរាជក្រឹត្យនេះបានត្រាស់បង្គាប់ឲ្យមាននូវការការពារព្រៃ ដែលនូវសេសសល់ ជាជម្រកសត្វព្រៃ និងប្រសិទ្ធនាមតំបន់ព្រៃឈូសឆាយ ដែលត្រូវបានដាំដើមឈើឡើងវិញ ជា “តំបន់សួនភូតគាម” ព្រមទាំងរក្សាតំបន់ឧទ្យានសួនសត្វ និងមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសង្រ្គោះសត្វព្រៃ។ 

អ្នកមីង កឹម ឃីម ជាអ្នករស់នៅភូមិកណ្តឹងតូច ដែលស្ថិតនៅជាប់ភ្នំតាម៉ៅតាំងពីគាត់ក្មេងមក បាននិយាយថា គាត់មិនធ្លាប់ឃើញការអភិវឌ្ឍបែបនេះពីមុនមកទេ។ 

អ្នកមីង កឹម ឃីម បាននិយាយថា៖ “ខ្ញុំសង្ឃឹមថា គេនឹងមិនឈូសឆាយដីនេះទៀតចុះ”។ ខ្ញុំធូរទ្រូងណាស់ ដែលគម្រោងឈូសឆាយនេះបានបញ្ចប់ត្រឹមហ្នឹង មុនពេលផ្នែកផ្សេងនៃព្រៃនេះ ត្រូវបានបាត់បង់។ ខ្ញុំឃើញការដាំកូនឈើចាប់ផ្តើម​អញ្ចឹង ខ្ញុំសង្ឃឹមថានឹងឃើញដើមឈើអស់ទាំងនោះធំ ទោះបីជាយូរក៏ពិតមែន”។ 

ដូចទៅនឹងអ្នករស់នៅក្នុងភូមិដែរ អ្នកមីង ឃីម បានចំណាយពេលប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃនេះ ប្រមូលអុសនៅព្រៃដែលគេកាប់ឆ្ការ បន្ទាប់ពីការអភិវឌ្ឍនេះត្រូវបានបញ្ឈប់។ 

អ្នកមីងបានបន្តថា៖ “គេឈូសព្រៃម្តុំនេះអស់ហើយ អញ្ចឹងពួកខ្ញុំមានតែយកឈើងាប់អស់ទាំងនេះ”។

លោក លី ចាន់ដារ៉ាវុធ ជាសកម្មជនមាតាធម្មជាតិកម្ពុជា (Mother Nature Cambodia) ដែលបានជួយធ្ធើសកម្មភាព និងធ្វើយុទ្ធនាការលើបណ្តាញសង្គម ដើម្បីការពារព្រៃ បានទទួលស្គាល់ ពីឥទ្ធិលពលនៃយុទ្ធនាការរបស់សកម្មជន អត្ថបទព័ត៌មាន និងការបញ្ចេញមតិលើបណ្តាញសង្គម ព្រមទាំងបានកត់សម្គាល់ពីកត្តាដ៏សំខាន់មួយផ្សេងទៀតផងដែរ។

លោក រ៉ាវុធ បាននិយាយថា៖ “កម្ពុជាមានការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិនៅឆ្នាំ ២០២៣ ហើយវាដើរតួនាទីយ៉ាងសំខាន់ក្នុងការសម្រេចចិត្តការពារព្រៃឈើរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ដើម្បីស្តារប្រជាប្រិយភាពរបស់បក្សកាន់អំណាច”។

លោក សម សឿន ជាអ្នកវិភាគនយោបាយនៅវិទ្យាស្ថានរាជបណ្ឌិត្យសភាកម្ពុជា បានឯកភាពថា ការសម្រេចចិត្តរបស់នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបាននាំយក  “មុខមាត់ល្អ” ដល់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ជាពិសេសពីសំណាក់អ្នកប្រើប្រាស់បណ្តាញសង្គមក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។

លោក សឿន បាននិយាយថា៖ “ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាយើងមានយុវជនជាច្រើន ហើយពួកគេស្ទើតែទាំងអស់ជាអ្នកប្រើបណ្តាញសង្គម”។ បណ្តាញសង្គមមានឥទ្ធិពលណាស់ ព្រោះវាជាកន្លែង (វេទិកា) មួយដែលប្រជាជនទទួលបានព័ត៌មាន ហើយក៏ជាកន្លែងដែលមានទាំងរឿងល្អ និងរឿងអាក្រក់ផងដែរ”។ 

ដោយកម្ពុជាមានប្រជាជនអាយុជាមធ្យម ស្ថិតក្នុងវ័យ២០ឆ្នាំប្លាយ លោក សឿន បាននិយាយថា៖ “វាពិតជាមានសារៈសំខាន់ដល់់គណបក្សកាន់អំណាច និងគណបក្សនយោបាយផ្សេងទៀតណាស់ ដើម្បីស្វែងរកការគាំទ្រពីយុវជនជំនាន់ក្រោយ និងការគាំទ្រពីបណ្តាញសង្គម”។

លោកស្រី ចក់ សុភាព ជានាយិកាប្រតិបត្តិនៃមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលសិទ្ធិមនុស្សកម្ពុជា បានរីករាយស្វាគមន៍ “ជ័យជម្នះដ៏តូចមួយនេះ” ប៉ុន្តែក៏ខ្លាចថា “ការអន្តរាគមន៍របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមានតែមួយលើក” ដែលធ្វើឡើងដោយសារតែមានការមតិជំទាស់ពីសាធារណជន ជាជាងការស្តែងចេញពីការផ្លាស់ប្តូរនៃអាទិភាពរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល។ 

ចំណាត់ការឲ្យមានការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញនៅតំបន់នេះ ត្រូវបានបង្ហោះលើបណ្តាញសង្គមនៅវេលាម៉ោង ១០ព្រឹក ថ្ងៃអាទិត្យ។ នៅថ្ងៃបន្ទាប់ ម៉ោង ៨ ព្រឹក សកម្មភាពដាំកូនឈើត្រូវបានចាប់ផ្តើម។

ការលើកឡើងដំបូងបង្អស់ អំពីការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញនេះ បានធ្វើឡើងដោយលោក ឡេង ណាវ៉ាត្រា ជាអ្នកជំនួញស្តុកស្តម្ភម្នាក់ និងជាម្ចាស់ក្រុមហ៊ុនអភិវឌ្ឍដែលធ្វើការឈូសឆាយព្រៃនេះ។ បន្ទាប់ពីនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបានបង្ហោះបញ្ជារលើបណ្តាញសង្គម មិនដល់​ ១៥ នាទីផង អ្នកឧកញ៉ារូបនេះបានអំពាវនាវលើបណ្តាញសង្គមរបស់ខ្លួនឲ្យ “អ្នកស្រលាញ់ដើមឈើ” ចូលរួមដាំដើមកូនឈើជាមួយលោកនៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅ។ ប៉ុន្តែថ្មីៗនេះ សំណៅដើម​នៃ​សារបង្ហោះនោះត្រូវបានកែប្រែ  ដោយលុបចោលរាល់​ពាក្យលើកឡើងអំពីការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញ។ 

មុនពេលឈានទៅដល់ការដាំកូនឈើរបស់អ្នកឧកញ៉ា មានការប្រើ hashtag #ឈប់គាំទ្ររាល់អាជីវកម្មឡេងណាវ៉ាត្រា  #BoycottNavatra បានលេចឡើងលើបណ្តាញសង្គម ដែលបានបង្ហាញពីការមិនពេញចិត្តរបស់សាធារណជន។ 

បើយោងតាមការបញ្ជាក់របស់រដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើ ជាច្រើនខែមុនមានសកម្មភាពកាប់ឆ្ការព្រៃ អ្នកឧកញ៉ារូបនេះ ដែលជាម្ចាស់ទីក្រុងរណប ឆាយណាប៉ោយប៉ែត ស៊ែថឹឡាយថ៍ ស៊ីធី​ (China Poipet Satellite City) ដែលស្ថិតនៅក្រុងប៉ោយប៉ែត និងជាម្ចាស់ក្រុមហ៊ុន ឡេងណាវ៉ាត្រាគ្រុប បានជួបជាមួយនឹងមន្ត្រីមូលដ្ឋាន ដើម្បីធ្វើការបញ្ចប់ការវាស់វែងដីព្រៃរបស់លោក។

ចាប់តាំងពីមានការបង្គាប់ឲ្យស្តារឡើងវិញនូវកិច្ចការពារព្រៃឈើ អ្នកឧកញ៉ាបានប្តេជ្ញាបរិច្ចាកកូនឈើប្រហែលមួយពាន់ដើម សម្រាប់ដាំនៅព្រៃ ដែលគ្រឿងចក្របានឈូសឆាយ។ 

លោក លី ចាន់ដារ៉ាវុធ បាននិយាយថា៖ “ប្រសិនបើពួកគាត់មានចិត្តស្រលាញ់ព្រៃនេះ និងចង់ទុកព្រៃនេះឲ្យដូចដើម ពួកគាត់មិនគួរកាប់ឆ្ការព្រៃនេះទេ”។ 

“ប្រជាជនបានជំទាស់ទៅនឹងការដោះដូរដីនេះ ចាប់តាំងពីពេលដែលសេចក្តីប្រកាសចេញមកម៉្លេះ។ ពួកគាត់គួរតែពិភាក្សាជាមួយអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល ក៏ដូចជាប្រជាជន ហើយពួកគាត់គួរតែស្តាប់តាមមតិសាធារណៈ”។

លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបានអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យអ្នកឧកញ៉ា ម៉ុង ឬទ្ធី ដឹកនាំយុទ្ធនាការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញនេះ។ អ្នកឧកញ៉ា ម៉ុង ឬទ្ធី បានមានប្រសាសន៍ថា លោកគ្រោងនឹងដាំកូនឈើលើដី ៥០០ ហិកតានេះ។

បុគ្គលិកមកពីក្រុមហ៊ុន ម៉ុងឬទ្ធីគ្រុប បានបញ្ជាក់ច្បាស់អំពីប្រភេទកូនឈើដែលបានដាំថា នេះគឺជាប្រភេទឈើប្រណិតដូចជា ដើមក្រញូង ដើមបេង និងដើមធ្នង់។ 

បន្ទាប់ពីថ្ងៃដំបូងនៃការដាំកូនឈើត្រូវបានបញ្ចប់ មានសេចក្តីរាយការណ៍ដោយអះអាងថា កូនឈើច្រើនជាង ៧ ពាន់ដើមត្រូវបានដាំ។ 

លោក គីម សុបិន្ត ជាអង្គនាយករងនៃនាយកដ្ឋានអភិវឌ្ឍចម្ការព្រៃដាំ និងព្រៃឯកជន ដែលជាចំណុះរបស់រដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើ បានបដិសេធក្នុងការផ្តល់មតិ និងបានបញ្ជាក់ថា លោកមិនមានសិទ្ធិឆ្លើយតបទៅសំណួរទាក់ទងនឹងប្រធានបទដ៏រសើបនេះទេ។ លោកបានគូសបញ្ជាក់ថា ថ្មីៗនេះនាយកដ្ឋានរបស់លោកមិនមានពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងបញ្ហានៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅទេ។ 

មិនដល់ពីរសប្តាហ៍ផង បន្ទាប់ពីការដាំកូនឈើបានចាប់ផ្តើម លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានបង្ហោះលើបណ្តាញសង្គម ហ្វេសប៊ុក ដោយបានបញ្ជាកងអង្គរក្សផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនរបស់លោក ចំនួនជិត ១០០០ នាក់ ឲ្យជួយសម្អាតដីព្រៃ និងរៀបចំដីសម្រាប់ដាំកូនឈើ។ 

បើយោងតាមអង្គការសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស លីកាដូ (LICADHO) សារសម្លេងពិសេស មានរយៈពេលជិត ៧ នាទី ត្រូវបានបញ្ចេញបន្ទាប់ពីសកម្មជន ៤ នាក់ និងអ្នកសារព័ត៌មានចំនួន ៥ នាក់ ត្រូវបានឃាត់ខ្លួននៅព្រៃភ្នំតាម៉ៅ ដោយសមាជិកកងអង្គរក្ស។

លោក ស្ទេហ្វិន អុីលាត (Stephen Elliott) ជាសហស្ថាបនិក និងជានាយកស្រាវជ្រាវនៃក្រុមសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវការស្តារព្រៃឈើ របស់សាកលវិទ្យាល័យឈៀងម៉ៃ បាននិយាយថា៖ “ការដាំដើមឈើឡើងវិញ គឺជាពាក្យដែលមានន័យទូលាយណាស់ ទាក់ទងនឹងការស្តារព្រៃឈើឡើងវិញ ប៉ុន្តែមិនមែនមានន័យថា វាគឺជាការស្តារនៅអូកូឡូស៊ីរបស់ព្រៃទេ។ ប្រសិនបើយើងពិតជាចង់ស្តារព្រៃនេះឲ្យដូចទៅនឹងសភាពដើមមែន វាចំណាយពេលច្រើនណាស់ មិនមែនគ្រាន់តែយកដើមឈើមកញាត់ជិតគ្នានោះទេ”។ 

នៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅ ការដាំកូនឈើដ៏រហ័ស បូករួមនឹងអាកាសធាតុ ភាពចម្រុះនៃប្រភេទឈើ ចំនួនកូនឈើដែលគេបានដាំ និងគម្លាតរវាងដើមឈើ មានលក្ខណៈខុសពីបទពិសោធន៍ជិត ៣០ ឆ្នាំរបស់លោក ក្នុងការស្តារព្រៃឈើនៅក្នុងតំបន់។

លោក អុីលាត បានទស្សន៍ទាយថា កូនឈើពាក់កណ្តាលនឹងងាប់នៅខែ មីនា ឆ្នាំក្រោយ។ 

លោក អុីលាត បានពន្យល់ថា កូនឈើត្រូវការទឹក និងពេលវេលាដើម្បីលូតលាស់ មុនពេលរដូវប្រាំង ក្តៅរាំងឬសមកដល់។ គាត់បានបន្ថែមថា “រឿងលំបាកបំផុត គឺត្រូវធ្វើយ៉ាងណាឆ្លងឲ្យផុតរដូវក្តៅដំបូងបង្អស់”។ ការដាំកូនឈើក្នុងខែសីហា គឺយឺតពេលទៅហើយ។ 

ភ្នំតាម៉ៅ គឺជាព្រៃរបោះដែលជ្រុះស្លឹកម្តងក្នុងមួយឆ្នាំ (dipterocarp forest) និងជាប្រភេទព្រៃ ដែលសំបូរជាងគេនៅអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ ហើយក៏ជាព្រៃ ដែលមានដើមឈើជាង ៨០ ប្រភេទអាចលូតលាស់បាន។ ការដាំដើមឈើ ៣ ប្រភេទ គឺ “ប្រសើរជាងមិនដាំអ្វីសោះ” ប៉ុន្តែវានឹងពន្យឺតការស្តារប្រព័ន្ធអេកូឡូស៊ីរបស់ព្រៃ  ថែមជាច្រើនទសវត្សរ៍។ 

លោក អុីលាតបានស្នើឲ្យមានការដាំដើមឈើ ៣ ពាន់ដើម ក្នុងមួយហិកតា ជាជាងដាំដើមឈើ ២០៤ ដើមក្នុងមួយហិកតា នៃផែនការដាំរបស់អ្នកឧកញ៉ា ម៉ុង ឬទ្ធី ហើយលោកបានហៅបរិមាណនោះថា “តិចពេក ប្រៀបដូចជាការបន្តក់ទឹកចូលក្នុងមហាសមុទ្រអញ្ចឹង (a drop in the ocean)”។

លោក អុីលាត បានបន្តថា ការដាំកូនឈើឡើងវិញនៅតំបន់ភ្នំតាម៉ៅ គឺជាការដាំឈើលក្ខណៈពាណិជ្ជកម្ម ដើម្បីបង្កើតចម្ការឈើ

ដែលលោក អុីលាត បាននិយាយថា “អ្នកណាទទួលបានអាជ្ញាប័ណ្ណកាប់ឈើកន្លែងនោះ អ្នកនោះនឹងមានលាភតែម្តង បើសិនជាដើមឈើទាំងអស់នេះនៅរស់បានមែន”។

បើយោងតាមអង្គការឃ្លាំមើលព្រៃឈើសាកល (Global Forest Watch) បានឲ្យដឹងថា ដីព្រៃនៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បានក្លាយទៅជាមានន័យដូច ទៅនឹងពាក្យ ការកាប់បំផ្លាញព្រៃឈើ នាប៉ុន្មានទសវត្សរ៍នេះ។ ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបានបាត់បង់ព្រៃជិត ២២.០០០ គីឡូម៉ែត្រការ៉េ ប្រមាណជា ២០ ភាគរយ ចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំ ២០០១ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០១៩។

អ្នកការពារបរិស្ថានកំពុងវាយតម្លៃ ថាតើតួនាទីរបស់ប្រជាជន ទាក់ទងនឹងការអភិរក្សភ្នំតាម៉ៅ អាចធ្វើជាគំរូសម្រាប់ការពារតំបន់អភិរក្សផ្សេងទៀតបានឬក៏យ៉ាងណា។

លោក យាំង សុខភា ជាអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវមកពីសាកលវិទ្យាល័យទីក្រុងឡុងដ៍ ដែលសិក្សាពីគណនេយ្យភាពបរិស្ថាន និងសកម្មភាពសមូហភាពនៅកម្ពុជា បាននិយាយថា រូបភាពនៃការបំផ្លាញព្រៃឈើនៅភ្នំតាម៉ៅត្រូវបានបង្ហោះលើបណ្តាញសង្គម ដែលញាំងឲ្យមាន “សកម្មភាពជាក់ស្តែងមួយ ដែលធ្វើឲ្យអ្នកស្រលាញ់ព្រៃឈើមានចិត្តអាឡោះអាល័យ និងធ្វើការដាក់សម្ពាធដល់ស្ថាប័ន និងក្រុមហ៊ុនឯកជនដែលទទួលខុសត្រូវលើរឿងនេះ”។

ត្បិតតែការកាប់ឆ្ការព្រៃមួយចំនួនស្ថិតនៅឆ្ងាយដាច់ស្រយាល ហើយមានព្រៃខ្លះទៀត ចំណាយពេលធ្វើដំណើរតែកន្លះម៉ោងពីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ លោក សុខភា ជឿថា រូបថត និងការប្រើប្រាស់បណ្តាញសង្គមអាចញាំងឲ្យមានសកម្មភាពតវ៉ានាថ្ងៃមុខ។

រីឯលោក ចាន់ដារ៉ាវុធ បានរៀបរាប់ថា យុទ្ធនាការដ៏រហ័សក្នុងការសង្គ្រោះភ្នំតាម៉ៅ គឺជាករណីសិក្សាមួយស្តែងចេញពី “អំណាចប្រជាជន” ដើម្បីសង្គ្រោះបរិស្ថាន។

លោកបានបន្ថែមថា៖ “ក្នុងកិច្ចការពារសម្បត្តិធម្មជាតិ យើងត្រូវតែមានវិធីថ្មីៗធ្វើយ៉ាងណាឲ្យមនុស្សអើពើពីបរិស្ថាន និងធនធានធម្មជាតិ ដែលយើងកំពុងតែការពារ”។ នៅពេលដែលមនុស្សយកចិត្តទុកដាក់គ្រប់គ្រាន់ហើយ រដ្ឋាភិបាលនឹងស្តាប់តាមពួកគាត់ជាមិនខាន”៕

រាយការណ៍បន្ថែមដោយ៖ ឡាយ សុផាន់ណា 

អត្ថបទ​នេះ​ត្រូវ​បាន​ផលិត​ឡើង ដោយមាន​ការ​សហការ​គ្នា​ជាមួយ Rainforest Investigations Network របស់​ Pulitzer Center។ អត្ថបទ​ដើម ជា​ភាសាអង់គ្លេស ត្រូវ​បាន​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​នៅ​លើ​គេហទំព័រ​សារព័ត៌មាន Southeast Asia Globe។

The post  «កូនឈើ​ដាំ​ឡើងវិញ» ក្រោយ​មាន​អន្តរាគមន៍​ពី​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី appeared first on Southeast Asia Globe.

As some countries, including the U.S, appear to be phasing out new hydropower projects, the Kingdom is considering continuing to invest in the sector. The Lounh family dam is a miniature counterpart to the ambitious mega-dams on the Mekong mainstream,which signal progress in the Kingdom’s goal of country-wide access to electricity by 2023. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen stressed the importance of hydropower dams as a stable power source in a July speech where he announced the country would buck the trend of rising energy tariffs, exacerbated by the conflict in Eastern Europe. 

But O’Porng Morn Kraom’s tranquil babble flows against a backdrop of debate over the delicate balance between rural development and environmental protection. While some organisations see small-scale hydropower as the key electrifying rural communities, experts have voiced concerns over a basin-wide boom in dam development l and proliferation’s potential repercussions on the river’s rich ecosystem and biodiversity.

“What hydropower development does adversely to rivers, regardless of the size, is it changes the function of how water moves,” said Andrew Fisk, executive director of the Connecticut River Conservancy in the United States.
Globe’s Anton L. Delgado and Nasa Dip travelled to the site of the Lounh dam to understand the  potential effect of small-scale dams on the Mekong River.

Introduction by Amanda Oon

The post Small-scale dams power Cambodian villages and fuel ecological concerns appeared first on Southeast Asia Globe.

បន្ទះដែកច្រែះដ៏រឹងមួយ ហាក់មានសភាពទ្រុឌទ្រោម និងកោងខណះពេល ឡូញ សំណាង ឡើងតាមជណ្ដើរតូចមួយទៅខាងលើដើម្បីពិនិត្យមើល និងថែមទាំវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចមួយ។

ប្រភពទឹកដែលត្រូវបានគេស្តុកទុក បានហូរធ្លាក់ចុះទៅក្រោម ចាក់ចូលទៅក្នុងទួរប៊ីនវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចនេះ មុននឹងចរន្តទឹកនោះបន្តទៅអូរពងមាន់ក្រោម ដែលជាដៃទន្លេមួយនាំចរន្តទឹកនេះចូលទៅទន្លេមេគង្គ។ ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីតូចនេះត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងដោយគ្រួសាររបស់លោក ឡូញ សំណាង សម្រាប់ផ្គត់ផ្គង់អគ្គីសនីប្រើប្រាស់ក្នុងភូមិ កោះសំពាយ ខេត្តស្ទឹងត្រែង ក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។

សំណាង បានលើកឡើងទាក់ទិននឹងវារីអគ្គីសនី ដែលមានលទ្ធភាពផលិតអគ្គីសនីបាន ១២ គីឡូវ៉ាត់នេះថា “កាលពីដើមឡើយ វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចមួយនេះបានផ្គត់ផ្គង់អគ្គីសនីដល់ភូមិ និងវត្តបានយ៉ាងគ្រប់គ្រាន់ មុនពេលភ្លើងរបស់រដ្ឋមកដល់”។ “ពីមុនពួកយើងបានជួយដល់ភូមិនេះច្រើនណាស់”។

បើក្រឡេកមើលតែមួយភ្លែត យើងច្បាស់ជាមិនចាប់អារម្មណ៍ថាវាជាវារីអគ្គីសនីឡើយ ព្រោះវាឋិតនៅលើខឿនមួយ ដែលត្រូវបានគេសង់ខ្ពស់ផុតពីដី ហើយមានបន្ទះដែកសម្រាប់ដើរឡើងចុះបាន អមព័ទ្ធជុំវិញ និងខាងលើគ្របដណ្ដប់ដោយម្លប់ឈើ។ នេះបានឆ្លុះបញ្ជាំងថា ការបង្កើតវារីអគ្គីសនីបែបនេះកំពុងទទួលបានការចាប់អារម្មណ៍ច្រើន និងកំពុងរីកដុះដាលក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។

ខណះដែលវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចលក្ខណះគ្រួសារបែបនេះ អាចក្លាយជាចំនែកមួយនៃគោលដៅ ជួយប្រទេសកម្ពុជាឲ្យទទួលបានអគ្គីសនីប្រើប្រាស់បានយ៉ាងគ្រប់គ្រាន់ក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០២៣ ខាងមុខ ជាពិសេសនៅទីជនបទដែលកំពុងខ្វះខាតភ្លើងប្រើប្រាស់។ ប៉ុន្តែយ៉ាងណាមិញវាក៏បានបង្ករផលប៉ះពាល់ដល់ទន្លេមេគង្គផងដែរ ដោយហេតុថាចរន្តទឹកក្នុងទន្លេមេគង្គក៏ត្រូវបានបិទខ្ទប់ដោយវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតយក្សជាច្រើន។

“បញ្ហាចោទទាក់ទងនឹងទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចមួយនេះ គឺចំនួនទំនប់” នេះបើយោងតាមសម្តីរបស់លោក ធៀហ្គោ គួតូ ដែលកំពុងសិក្សាពីទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច ដែលកំពុងត្រូវប៉ាន់ទូទាំងពិភពលោក ហើយលោកក៏ជាបរិស្ថានវិទូទឹកសាប មកពីមន្ទីរពិសោធន៍ស្រាវជ្រាវ និងសិក្សាទន្លេនៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យអន្តរជាតិហ្វ្លរីដា(Florida International University’s Tropical Rivers Lab)។ លោកក៏បានបន្ថែមទៀតថា “ជាជាងការសាងសង់ទំនប់មួយធំ យើងកំពុងតែសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីតូចៗបែបនេះជាច្រើន និងគ្រប់កន្លែងទាំងអស់។”

លោក គួតូ និងអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវជាច្រើនទៀតទាក់ទងនឹងរឿងនេះ បានព្រមានពីបញ្ហាប៉ះពាល់ពីការសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចនេះ ដោយយើងមិនអាចចេះតែសង់បានតាមចិត្តនោះទេ ព្រោះវាប៉ះពាល់ដល់អាងទន្លេដែលជាប្រភពទឹកយ៉ាងសំខាន់ផងដែរ។ មានការព្យាករណ៍ជំនាញផ្នែកទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីបានជម្រុញអោយប្រទេសកំពុងអភិវឌ្ឍ ជៀសវាង ការសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីបែបនេះ ដោយងាកមកបង្កើតនូវនិយ័តកម្ម និងធ្វើការពិចារណាស្វែងរកប្រភពថាមពលផ្សេងជំនួសវិញ។ 

“យើងមានវិធីសាស្ត្រដ៏ច្រើនក្នុងការទាញចរន្តភ្លើង ដោយយើងមិនចាំបាច់ពឹងផ្អែកលើទន្លេរបស់យើងតែមួយមុខនោះទេ” នេះបើយោងតាមសម្តីលោក អេនទ្រូ ហ្វីសក៍ ជានាយកប្រតិបត្តិអង្គការអភិរក្សទន្លេខនិកធីខាត់ នៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក(Connecticut River Conservancy)។ “ការសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចផ្តល់នូវគុណប្រយោជន៍តិចណាស់ បើប្រៀបធៀបទៅនឹងការចំណាយ។ ពួកយើងលើកទឹកចិត្តដល់រដ្ឋាភិបាលប្រទេសដ៏ទៃទៀត ធ្វើការសិក្សាពិចារណាពីវិធីសាស្ត្រផ្សេងក្នុងការទាញយកប្រភពថាមពល”។

ការជជែកវែកញែកទាក់ទិននឹងបញ្ហានៃការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនី បានបង្អាក់ដំណើរការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ដល់ប្រទេសជាច្រើន ក្នុងនោះក៏មានប្រទេសកម្ពុជាផងដែរ អោយសិក្សាថ្លឹងថ្លែងអោយបានហ្មត់ចត់ ដោយធ្វើយ៉ាងណាឲ្យការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍នៅតាមជនបទ និងការការពារបរិស្ថានមានភាពសមមាត្រគ្នា។ 

ការពិត និងសក្តានុពលរបស់ទន្លេ

សំណាង យុវជនវ័យ ២១ ឆ្នាំ បានឲ្យដឹងថា មូលហេតុដែលគាត់ក្លាយជាអ្នកមើលថែទំនប់វារីខ្នាតតូចនេះ គឺបណ្តាលមកពីការស្លាប់របស់ឪពុកគាត់។

“ឪពុករបស់ខ្ញុំអត់ដឹងបង្រៀនខ្ញុំតាមវិធីណាទេ ប៉ុន្តែពេលគាត់ហៅខ្ញុំទៅជាមួយ គាត់បង្ហាញខ្ញុំពីរបៀបថែទាំជួសជុលវា” នេះបើយោងតាមសម្តីសំណាង។ “ខ្ញុំក៏ចេះមើលថែវាតាមរបៀបហ្នឹង”។

ត្បិតទំហំតូចក៏ពិតមែន វារីអគ្គីសនីភាគច្រើនដើរដោយមានចរន្តទឹកហូរពីអាងខាងលើ ចូលទៅបង្វិលទួរប៊ីនបង្កើតបានជាចរន្តអគ្គីសនី។ វារីអគ្គីសនីដ៏តូចរបស់សំណាង ដើរដោយប្រភពទឹកអូរមួយដែលហូរចាក់ចូលទៅដៃទន្លេអូរពងមាន់ក្រោម។ នៅជិតវារីនោះ គេឃើញមានបង្គោលភ្លើងសម្រាប់តភ្លើងយកទៅប្រើប្រាស់នៅភូមិកោះសំពាយ។ 

មុនពេលបង្គោលភ្លើងរដ្ឋត្រូវបានគេអូសមកដល់ភូមិកោះសំពាយ ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីរបស់គ្រួសារសំណាងនេះបានបំភ្លឺភ្លើងដល់ផ្ទះជាច្រើនក្នុងភូមិ។ 

យោងតាមសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍បេសកកម្មដែលបានចុះផ្សាយលើគេហទំព័ររបស់អង្គការ Hydro Empowerment Network គេបានបង្ហាញការគាំទ្រ ចំពោះគម្រោងបង្កើតវារីអគ្គីសនី ជួយដល់សហគមន៍បែបនេះដែលមានទំហំ ១ មេហ្កាវ៉ាត់ ស្មើរនឹង ១.០០០ គីឡូវ៉ាត់។

ខណះដែលកម្ពុជាបាននិងកំពុងពិចារណាវិនិយោគលើ ការផលិតថាមពលពីវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចនេះ តំបន់ជាច្រើននៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកឯណោះវិញ មើលទៅហាក់បីដូចជាផ្អាកការទាញយកអគ្គីសនីតាមរបៀបនេះហើយ។

“នៅជុំវិញពិភពលោក ដូចដែលអ្នកកំពុងតែឃើញអញ្ចឹង គឺគេកំពុងបន្តអភិវឌ្ឍលើវារីអគ្គីសនីបែបថ្មីជាច្រើន។ ប៉ុន្តែគម្រោងសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីប្រភេទនេះ អ្នកមិនឃើញមានទេនៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក” នេះបើដកស្រង់សម្តីលោក ហ្វីសក៍ ដែលអង្គការរបស់លោកគាំទ្រ ការការពារបរិស្ថានទឹកនៅតំបន់ញូអុីងគ្លេន (New England)នៅអាមេរិក។

ក្រុមអ្នកជំនាញ និងអភិរក្សជាច្រើន មានអង្គការអភិរក្សទន្លេខនិកធីខាត់ ជាដើម បានចូលរួមក្នុងក្រុមចម្រុះស្តីពីកំណែទម្រង់វារីអគ្គីសនី(Hydropower Reform Coalition) ដែលបានជួយដល់គោលនយោបាយ និងការធ្វើនិយ័តកម្ម ដើម្បីកាត់បន្ថយផលប៉ះពាល់ដល់បរិស្ថានបណ្តាលមកពីវារីអគ្គីសនី។

សមាជិកក្រុមចម្រុះនេះបានលើកឡើងពីបញ្ហាជាច្រើនដែលបង្កឡើងពីការសាងសង់អគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច ក៏ដូចជាសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ទៅលើតម្រូវការទាញយកថាមពលពីប្រភពផ្សេងមកប្រើប្រាស់ និងទាមទារអោយមានការបញ្ឈប់នូវមូលនិធិ និងគម្រោងនៃការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ដែលប៉ះពាល់ដល់អេកូឡូស៊ី។

“អ្វីដែលវារីអគ្គីសនីធ្វើឲ្យប៉ះពាល់ដល់ទន្លេ មិនថាវារីនោះធំ រឺក៏តូច នោះទេ គឺវាធ្វើអោយលំហូរទឹកខុសប្រក្រតី” សម្តីលោក ហ្វីសក៍។ “ទំនប់ទាំងអស់នេះធ្វើឲ្យមានការរាំងស្ទះនូវលំហូរដី ដីល្បាប់ និងទឹក ដែលមានន័យថា វាមិនមានលក្ខណះអំណោយផលដល់ត្រី សត្វព្រៃ និងមនុស្សឡើយ”។ 

អាទិភាពមួយរបស់ក្រុមអភិរក្ស គឺការប៉ាន់ស្មានតម្លៃរុះរើវារីអគ្គីសនីប្រភេទនេះ និងស្តារធនធានធម្មជាតិឡើងវិញ។ លោក ហ្វីសក៍ ដដែលបាននិយាយថា៖ យើងកំពុងចំណាយពេលវេលា លុយកាក់ និងកំពុងខិតខំលុបបំបាត់នូវការស្ថានីយ៍ផលិតអគ្គីសនីបែបនេះ ហើយថ្លៃទឹកប្រាក់ចំណាយនេះទៀតសោត គឺមានសារះសំខាន់ជាងគុណតម្លៃដែលស្ថានីយ៍ទាញយកអគ្គីសនីនេះផ្តល់ឲ្យ”។ 

គាត់បានបញ្ជាក់ពីគុណតម្លៃរបស់ត្រី និងដីល្បាប់ ដែលមានប្រយោជន៍ដល់ដីវាលទំនាបតាមបណ្តោយទន្លេមេគង្គថា “នៅពេលយើងមើលឃើញពីអ្វីដែលកំពុងកើតក្នុងទន្លេ ផលប៉ះពាល់កើតចេញពីការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍សាងសង់ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីថ្មី កាន់តែធ្វើអោយពួកយើងមានកង្វល់ខ្លាំងទៅៗ រវាងការទាញអគ្គីសនីពីវារីដើម្បីប្រើប្រាស់ ដែលប៉ះពាល់ដល់អេកូឡូស៊ីទន្លេ។” 

ស្របពេលកំពុងធ្វើគម្រោងបរិស្ថាន ដោយចង់អោយកាត់បន្ថយនូវផលប៉ះពាល់ផ្នែកអេកូឡូស៊ីរបស់វារីអគ្គីសនី “ការរៀបចំផែនការស្តារគុណភាពទន្លេក៏មានសារះសំខាន់ដែរ” សម្តីលោក ម៉ាក ហ្សាកគូធេនស្គី មានឋានះជាប្រធាននៃគោលនយោបាយអភិរក្ស ដែលបានចូលរួមជាមួយអង្គការ​ Appalachian Mountain Club និងសមាជិកក្រុមប្រឹក្សារបស់វិទ្យាស្ថាន Low Impact Hydro Institute។

គាត់បានអោយដឹងថា “ពេលណាដែលយើងអភិវឌ្ឍហេដ្ឋារចនាសម្ព័ន្ធ នាថ្ងៃមុខវានឹងតម្រូវអោយមានការថែទាំ ជួសជុល រឺមួយក៏រុះរើ”។ “អ្វីដែលសំខាន់គឺ យើងមិនចង់ធ្វើអោយមានការប៉ះពាល់ដល់បរិស្ថាន ដែលយើងគ្មានលទ្ធភាពស្តារវាបានមកវិញនោះទេ នៅពេលសំណង់អស់ទាំងនោះដល់អាយុកាលរបស់វា”។

គាត់បានបន្ថែមថា ចំណាយក្នុងការរុះរើវារីអគ្គីសនី ត្រូវតែគិតគូរមុនពេលសំណង់ទំនប់រីអគ្គីសនីណាមួយចាប់ផ្តើម។

“ប្រទេសណាមួយដែលកំពុងសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីថ្មីត្រូវតែមានគម្រោង និងមានទំហំសាច់ប្រាក់ទុកសម្រាប់រុះរើវារីអគ្គីសនីនោះ”។ “ប្រសិនបើអ្នកសាងសង់វារីពេលនេះ អ្នកគួរតែមានកញ្ចប់លុយទុកសម្រាប់ ៥០ ទៅ ៧៥ ឆ្នាំខាងមុខទៀត រឺមួយក៏រុះរើវាចោលតែម្តង”។

ទោះបីជាវារីអគ្គីសនីនីមួយៗមានរចនាបទខុសគ្នាក៏ដោយ លោក ហ្សាគូធេនស្គី បានបញ្ចេញកង្វល់អំពីការរីកដុះដាលនៃសំណង់វារីអគ្គីសនីនេះ។

“របៀបដែលទំនប់នោះត្រូវបានគេសាងសង់ ដាក់ដំណើរការ និងរុះរើចោលមានសារះសំខាន់ណាស់ ប៉ុន្តែចំនួនទំនប់ទាំងអស់នោះក៏ចោទជាបញ្ហាផងដែរ”។ “មានទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីកាន់តែច្រើន ផលប៉ះពាល់ក៏ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរដែរ”។ 

 លោក ប្រាយអេន អេយល័រ ធ្វើការជាមួយគម្រោងការត្រួតពិនិត្យទំនប់អគ្គីសនីក្នុងទន្លេមេគង្គ (Mekong Dam Monitor) ដែលតាមឃ្លាំមើលទំនប់ធំៗទាំងអស់ចំនួន ៤៥ ត្រូវបានគេសង់កាត់ផ្ទៃទន្លេ បានឲ្យដឹងថា ការរីកដុះដាលនៃទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចនឹងបង្កផលប៉ះពាល់ធំណាស់ដល់ទន្លេមេគង្គ។

ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតយក្សលើផ្ទៃទន្លេផង និងទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចលើផ្ទៃទឹកនៃដៃទន្លេផង កំពុងតែធ្វើអោយអេកូឡូស៊ីទន្លេរងការខូចខាត។ លោក អេយល័រ ដែលជាអ្នកនិពន្ធសៀវភៅ “Last Days of the Mighty Mekong” បានបន្ថែម។ 

លោក អេយល័រ បានអោយដឹងថា ប្រសិនបើប្រទេសតាមដងទន្លេមេគង្គទាំង ៦ មិនបានជួយសម្របសម្រួលក្នុងការទប់ស្កាត់ការរីកដុះដាលនៃការសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចនេះទេ ក្រុមអ្នកឃ្លាំមើលដូចជា Mekong Dam Monitor នឹងមិនអាចកំណត់តាមដានសំណង់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចនេះបានដូចគ្នា។ 

“ទន្លេមេគង្គកំពុងតែប្រឈមមុខនឹងការកាត់ផ្តាច់លំហូរទឹក តាមរយះសំណង់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចរាប់រយរាប់ពាន់ ហើយការសាងសង់ក្នុងចំនួនច្រើនបែបនេះក៏ប៉ះពាល់ដល់ទន្លេ ដូចទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីធំអញ្ចឹង” លោក អេយល័រ បានប្រាប់។

ការពង្រីកវារីអគ្គីសនី និងការធ្វើនិយ័តកម្ម

គម្រោងសាងសង់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចបានក្លាយជាមធ្យោបាយថ្មី ដែលអាចជំនួសទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតធំ ដោយសារតែប្រតិកម្មមួយចំនួនពីសាធារណជនទាក់ទងនឹងរឿងវារីធំៗ បានធ្វើអោយមានការប៉ះពាល់ដល់ការរស់នៅ ការចិញ្ចឹមជីវិតទាំងមនុស្ស និងជីវៈចម្រុះ។ នេះបើយោងតាមការសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវឆ្នាំ ២០១៨ ដែលលោកគួតូ ចូលរួមស្រាវជ្រាវ ។

ផលប៉ះពាល់របស់ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីធំៗ បានបង្វែរអោយប្រទេសកំពុងអភិវឌ្ឍងាកមកមើលគម្រោងវារីតូចៗជា “ផ្នែកមួយនៃគោលនយោបាយយុទ្ធសាស្ត្រថាមពលអគ្គីសនីនាថ្ងៃមុខ” យោងតាមការសរសេរក្នុងស្រាវជ្រាវឆ្នាំ ២០១៨ ដដែល។

របាយការណ៍ស្តីពីគោលនយោបាយថាមពល ត្រូវបានគេចងក្រងនៅក្នុងការសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវក្នុងព្រឹត្តិបត្រខាងលើនេះ បានបង្ហាញថា គម្រោងដាក់ឲ្យដំណើរការនៃវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច និងគ្រោងវារីដែលកំពុងឋិតក្រោមការសាងសង់មានជិត ៨២,៩០០ នៅក្នុង ១៥០ ប្រទេស ដែលអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវលើរឿងនេះបានឲ្យដឹងថា នេះគឺជាការប៉ាន់ស្មានតិចមួយ ព្រោះក្នុងបញ្ជីសារពើភ័ណ្ឌរបស់ប្រទេសទាំងនោះ គេរាប់ចំនួនវារីអគ្គីសនីតូចៗទាំងនោះមិនអស់នោះទេ។ 

គម្រោងថ្មីៗ និងចាស់របស់ប្រទេសចិនបានធ្វើឲ្យប្រទេស ដែលឋិតនៅផ្នែកខាងក្រោមនៃទន្លេមេគង្គ អាចនឹងសាងសង់វារីតូចៗរបស់ខ្លួនបានតិចតួចប៉ុណ្ណោះ ក្នុងនោះប្រទេសថៃអាចធ្វើបាន ២២ និងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាអាចធ្វើបានត្រឹមតែ ៩ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ 

បើយោងតាមទិន្នន័យបង្ហាញពីក្រសួងរ៉ែ និងថាមពល ដែលបានកត់ត្រាទុកក្នុងរបាយការណ៍ក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០១៩ ទីតាំងវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច ៩កន្លែង ក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា គឺស្ថិតនៅក្រោមការសិក្សាកម្រិតខ្ពស់ ស្តីពីការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូចរបស់ពិភពលោក ចេញដោយអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិដើម្បីអភិវឌ្ឍឧស្សាហកម្ម។ របាយការណ៍ដដែលក៏បានកត់ត្រា វារីអគ្គីសនី ៣៩ កន្លែងផ្សេងទៀត កំពុងស្ថិតក្រោម “ដំណាក់កាលត្រួតពិនិត្យ”។

អ្នកតំណាងមកពីក្រសួងរ៉ែ និងថាមពលមិនអាចទាក់ទងសុំឲ្យមានការបកស្រាយបន្ថែមបាននោះទេ។ 

អនុប្រធាននាយកដ្ឋានស្រាវជ្រាវ និងនិយ័តកម្មរបស់ក្រសួងរៀបចំដែនដី នគររូបនីយកម្ម និងសំណង់ លោក ដក ដូម៉ា មិនបានឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងសំណើរបញ្ចេញមតិពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងរឿងនេះទេ។ 

មានការលេចធ្លាយ ការធ្វើបទបង្ហាញពីក្រសួងរ៉ែ និងថាមពលដែលបានបញ្ជាក់ថា ការលើកកម្ពស់អោយមានទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច ត្រូវបានគេគិតថានឹងជួយដល់បំពេញតម្រូវការអគ្គីសនីក្នុងការប្រើប្រាស់នៅជនបទ ដែលជួយកាត់បន្ថយភាពក្រីក្រ និងជម្រុញការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍សេដ្ឋកិច្ច។

គម្រោង​ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីត្រូវបានគេកំណត់ឈ្មោះ ដោយផ្អែកលើបរិមាណថាមពល ដែលផលិតចេញពីស្ថានីយ៍នីមួយៗ ដោយក្នុងនោះ ១,០០០ គីឡូវ៉ាត់ស្មើនឹង ១ មេហ្កាវ៉ាត់។ នៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជា យោងតាមបទបង្ហាញរបស់ក្រសួងលើបានបង្ហាញថា ចាប់ពី ៥០០​ គីឡូវ៉ាត់ចុះ គេសន្មត់ស្ថានីយ៍នោះថាជា វារីអគ្គីសនី “ម៉ាយក្រូ(Micro)” រឺ “ភីកូ(Pico)” រឺឯ ៥០១ ដល់ ៥,០០០ គីឡូវ៉ាត់ គឺជាវារីអគ្គីសនី “មីនី(Mini)” និង៥,០០១ ឡើងដល់ ១០,០០០ គីឡូវ៉ាត់ ត្រូវបានកំណត់ជា វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាត “តូច”។

បទបង្ហាញចំនួន ២ ក្នុងចំណោម ៤ បង្ហាញចំនួន ៣៩ ទីតាំងដែលគេកំពុងដាក់ស្នើរសុំសាងសង់ ដែលភាគច្រើនឋិតនៅជាប់ដៃទន្លមេគង្គ រួមមានទាំង ១២ កន្លែងទៀតឋិតនៅផ្លូវទឹកហូរចូលទន្លេសាប។ ប៉ុន្តែគេមិនបានបង្ហាញថាតើគម្រោងនេះជារបស់រដ្ឋ រឺមួយក្រុមហ៊ុនឯកជនជាអ្នកសាងសង់នោះទេ។ 

បញ្ហាចំបងសម្រាប់អភិវឌ្ឍប្រទេសកម្ពុជា គឺបណ្តាលមកពី “កង្វះខាតផ្នែកគោលនយោបាយ និងបទដ្ឋានគតិយុត្ត” តាមការបញ្ជាក់ពីរបាយការណ៍របស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ។

លោក ហែម ឧត្តម ជាអ្នកផ្តល់យោបល់ឯករាជ្យក្នុងការគ្រប់គ្រងធនធានធម្មជាតិ និងសិក្សាស្រាវជ្រាវលើវារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច បាននិយាយថា “មិនថាមានការវិនិយោគច្រើនប៉ុណ្ណាពីអង្គការក្រៅរដ្ឋាភិបាល រឺក៏ដៃគូអភិវឌ្ឍទេ កិច្ចខិតខំទាំងនោះត្រូវតែធ្វើអោយស្របច្បាប់”។ “កង្វះខាតនិយ័តកម្មមិនអាចធ្វើអោយវាស្របច្បាប់នោះទេ”។   

ការបង្កើតបទដ្ឋានគតិយុគ្តស្តីពីការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីខ្នាតតូច នឹងជួយធានាដល់ការទទួលបាននូវប្រាក់ជំនួយសម្រាប់អភិវឌ្ឍន៏ ប៉ុន្តែរឿងនេះពិបាកលៃលក ព្រោះគ្មានការកំណត់និយមន័យទទួលស្គាល់រួមមួយពីអន្តរជាតិ មានន័យថា សមត្ថភាពក្នុងការផលិតថាមពលប្រើប្រាស់ គឺមានលទ្ធភាពខុសគ្នារវាងប្រទេសនីមួយៗ។

លោក ហ្វីសក៍ ជានាយកប្រតិបត្តិអង្គការអភិរក្សទន្លេខនិកធីខាត់នៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក​ បានគាំទ្រការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ជនបទថា ប្រសិនបើយើងមិនអាចស្វែងរកមធ្យោបាយផលិតអគ្គីសនីណាមួយផ្សេងទៀត ក្រៅពីការសង់ទំនប់វារីអគ្គីសនីបានទេ យើងក៏មិនត្រូវបិទចរន្តទឹក និងផ្លូវទឹករបស់ត្រីដែរ។

លោក ហ្វីសក៍ បាននិយាយថា “វារីអគ្គីសនីថ្មីប្រៀបបានស្មើរនឹងបច្ចេកវិទ្យាដ៏ចាស់មួយ ដែលការចំណាយមិនសមនឹងផលចំណេញ ហើយទំនប់ខ្នាតតូចគ្មាននិយ័តកម្មបញ្ជាក់ច្បាស់់លាស់ ហើយសាងសង់ខុសកន្លែងទៀត គឺបង្កអោយមានផលប៉ះពាល់យ៉ាងខ្លាំង”។ “កុំធ្វើវាអី”។

បើមិនគិតដល់បទប្បញត្តិ និងការជជែកវែកញែកអំពីផលប៉ះពាល់រយៈពេលវែង យុវជន សំណាង បានសង្ឃឹមថា វារីអគ្គីសនីតូចរបស់គាត់នៅអូរពងមាន់ក្រោមនូវតែអាចដំណើរការបានជាធម្មតា។

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Tesla’s continuing growth and Indonesia’s abundant supply of a key ingredient for the company’s products make the two a natural business match. But as Tesla speeds into Southeast Asia, the dirty side of sustainable vehicles is sullying the company’s winning streak.

Indonesia is one of the world’s most significant repositories of nickel, a primary material in EV batteries. With a reserve of 21 million metric tonnes (23.1 U.S. tons) in 2021, national nickel production reached 2.24 million metric tonnes (2.47 million U.S. tons) in 2021, up 2.17% from 2020, according to ESDM, Indonesia’s energy and mineral resources ministry.

Inviting an investment is not as easy as flicking a finger.”

Luhut Binsar Panjaitan, Indonesia’ coordinating minister for maritime and investment

Tesla still dominates EV market share globally. In the first quarter of 2022, the sales of the company’s electric cars hit more than 310,000 units, 68% higher than the figure in the same period last year.  While a Bloomberg NEF report predicted worldwide EV production is expected to hit 14 million vehicles in 2025, CEO Elon Musk said in an interview with a Tesla owners club published 22 June that the company was “losing billions of dollars” due to battery production and supply chain problems impacting factories in Berlin and Texas, Reuters reported.

Indonesia President Joko Widodo hosted Tesla officials in May to discuss the company’s nickel mining aspirations. Coordinating Minister for Maritime and Investment Luhut Binsar Panjaitan met with Musk and said the government is negotiating with the manufacturer.

Beyond mining, Indonesia attempted to lure Tesla with a proposal for a factory with an annual production capacity of 500,000 cars. 

“Inviting an investment is not as easy as flicking a finger. [Tesla’s plan] is a huge investment. We must be patient so the investment can bring benefits to Indonesians,” Panjaitan said in a 23 May statement.

Even though EVs can reduce air pollution, which a report from The World Health Organization (WHO) found accounts for 7 million deaths annually, the market’s expansion poses other environmental risks that cannot be taken lightly.

While some were pleased about Tesla’s prospective stake in Indonesia, environmental groups raised concerns that EV development will hurt the country’s ecosystem and the livelihoods of residents near mining sites.

Environment debate

Indonesia’s environmental NGO, Walhi, warned of the environmental damage of nickel mining should Indonesia supply the elemental metal for Tesla’s EV batteries.

Around 6,932 square kilometres (2,676 square miles) of forest have been handed over to nickel mining companies, according to an open letter from Walhi to Musk and Tesla investors.

Nickel waste has triggered siltation, a form of water pollution caused by sand or soil blockage, in the basins of the Pongkeru and Malili rivers in South Sulawesi province, according to Walhi. The group’s petition also noted more than 40 square kilometres (15 square miles) of rainforest disappeared because of mud shifting into Mahalona Lake due to mining.

Nickel extraction also decreases local fishing income by up to 50%, an issue the petition noted already plagues residents of Wawonii Island in Southeast Sulawesi.

Melky Nahar, an environmentalist at JATAM, a nonprofit mining advocacy network, said Tesla would rely on multinational mining company Vale Indonesia for its nickel supply due to an existing, long-term partnership. 

Tesla registered Vale as its direct nickel supplier, while Albemarle Corp., Livent Corp. and a Chinese company, Sichuan Yahua Industrial Group Co., are contracted to supply lithium, according to Tesla’s 2021 Impact Report. 

Deshnee Naidoo, Vale’s executive vice president of base metals, said the agreement “reflects a shared commitment to sustainability” and that its nickel products are essential for EV batteries. Vale did not reveal the value or duration of the deal.

Despite the stated support for sustainability, Vale has been accused of improper business practices including environmental damage.

Vale’s mining activity in East Luwu, South Sulawesi, sparked protests in 2016 from environmental activists and experts over claims of “toxic waste,” Melky said. 

“In 2014, the oil spill allegedly from PT Vale Indonesia contaminated the Lampia Sea,” Melky said, adding that the Sorowako indigenous community protested company land seizures for mining. 

The Walhi South Sulawesi chapter asked PT Vale Indonesia to temporarily halt nickel mining in the area due to sulphur waste allegedly contaminating Mori Island’s ecosystem. 

CEO Nico Kanter denied allegations in 2019 that the company destroyed South Sulawesi forests for nickel mining.

“Even though we fulfil our nickel needs, we are not destroying the forest.,” Kanter told Mongabay. “We apply for forestry permits to the government and we always carry out rehabilitation and reclamation programs properly in accordance with the rules.”

Accusations of human rights violations against anti-mining protesters also have plagued Vale.

The Mining Circle Indigenous Community of PT Vale Indonesia Tbk held a peaceful demonstration on 12 March prior to meeting with the company’s director. The protest turned violent when a contractor tried to disperse the crowd by driving a bus at protesters, who later threw rocks at the vehicle.

An online petition to free demonstrators detained at the event has garnered more than 1,000 signatures. Vale Indonesia declined a request for comment on the petition.

Policies and practices

Bisman Bakhtiar, a mining law expert at the Centre for Energy and Mining Law Studies, said nickel used for vehicle batteries differ from industrial uses, while no mining practices are eco-friendly, especially “open-cast” operations that remove minerals from open pits.

“Nickel used for EV batteries are the high-grade ones. However, more advanced and costly technology can process low-grade nickel, too,” he said, adding that nickel for EV batteries is purified using smelting facilities.

Hugh Sutherland, CTO of U.K.-based energy management consultancy Carbon-Ion, said fossil fuel use could not be separated from Indonesia’s energy transition and EV development.

“I think the resource constraints of extraction of the various minerals probably hadn’t been considered quite so well as this kind of emissions,” Sutherland said. “It’s tough for people interested, as we all should be, in sustainable transition to a fossil-free future.”

While Sutherland stressed the importance of research aimed at reducing pollution and environmental damage from mining, he said smelters rarely used renewable energy.

“A smelter you need to run all the time because heating up and cooling down is a bit energy-intensive,” Sutherland said. “But I think recycling is how you end up reducing the need to take more resources out of the air… success is going to depend on how much money the government puts into funding research.”

Among several requirements Indonesia laid out for Tesla’s investment was the use of eco-friendly technology. Indonesia’s law on mineral resources and coal stipulates mining concession holders must conduct 100% successful, post-mining rehabilitation. Failure to comply carries a fine up to $6.8 million (Rp 100 billion).

Indonesia can minimise environmental damage by consistently enforcing compliance with existing regulations, Bakhtiar said. 

“The government must make sure that multinational companies investing in Indonesia must stick to sustainability standards, meaning only companies with eco-friendly technologies can operate in Indonesia,” Bakhtiar said, adding that mining operations must include environmental permits and impact analysis.

Tesla stressed the importance of direct contact with mining companies supplying critical minerals to ensure responsible practices.

“While cobalt, nickel, and lithium go through multiple processing steps by different companies, some of the more important environmental and social risks in this supply chain are present at mine sites,” the company said in its 2021 impact report, adding that direct sourcing from mining firms enabled “more transparent and traceable supply chains.”

Despite regulations and processes to increase environmental protections, Melky said Indonesia’s EV initiative does not help residents whose land has been used for mining.

“The process still needs coal amid our plans to reduce dependence on fossil fuel,” he said.

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The official end of a conflict leaves a country with obvious physical scars, from devastating death tolls to levelled landscapes. But a war’s effect on a country evolves. In Indochina, casualties continue because of unexploded remnants of war.

Efforts to remove these weapons have gone on for decades and carry numerous expenses including landscape surveys, detection equipment, safety gear and medical teams.

Financing the removal of landmines and other unexploded ordnance, also known as ‘mine action,’ is a cornerstone of United States foreign policy in Indochina, especially in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, which were left riddled with the weapons following American military campaigns.

These funds are often coordinated through the U.S. Department of State and have remained relatively steady over the past few years. The department’s most recent budget proposal for the 2023 fiscal year, however, indicates a potential drop in funding for conventional weapons destruction in Indochina.

If the regional budget requests are confirmed, support for unexploded ordnance removal in Laos, considered the most bombed country in the world per capita, would be hit the hardest. Katie Harrison, a program coordinator for Norwegian People’s Aid in Laos, said reductions would “decrease our team size and decrease the amount of square metres we can clear.”

While a state department official stressed the difference between requests and allocations, U.S. advocates worry imminent cuts could set a precedent for annual funding declines.

“Any proposed cut would endanger the lives of the people, animals and environment,” said Sera Koulabdara, executive director of Legacies of War, a U.S.-based lobbying group for mine action funding. “Our focus should be on increasing greater support for demining efforts in Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam year after year.”

Regardless of potential reductions for the region, the U.S. will likely remain the world’s biggest wallet for humanitarian mine action. But requested cuts may indicate a “potential shift in foreign policy” and “new donor priorities,” said Marion Loddo, who studies international aid for the Landmine & Cluster Munition Monitor, a research organisation focused on the sector.

“We are in this context of compounding crises because we have so many topics to tackle and address,” said Loddo, who added that current crises should be addressed with additional funding. “We should make sure that countries with legacy contamination, like Laos, still receive the support they need. Otherwise it means we are leaving some of them behind.”

Legacy ordnance

Similar to most countries affected by unexploded remnants of war, Laos relies on foreign aid to clear aerial bombs and cluster munitions. Funding clearance from the Laotian government amounted to $30,000 in 2019, recorded by the Landmine & Cluster Munition Monitor, compared to $42 million from donors.

More than $643 million went to addressing unexploded remnants of war in 40 affected nations in 2020, according to the monitor. About 36% was donated by the U.S., which has been the world’s largest funder of humanitarian mine action since 1999.

The overwhelming American contribution to the cause in Southeast Asia is only matched by the country’s historic contributions to the issue.

During the Cold War, U.S. efforts to curb communism in Indochina by means of all-out war or covert missions seeded the region with landmines and other unexploded ordnance. The remnants of war have plagued Cambodia, Vietnam and Laos ever since.

The so-called “secret war” conducted by the U.S. in Laos lasted nearly a decade and involved more than 2 million tons (1.8 million metric tonnes) of ordnance. 

Barack Obama became the first sitting U.S. president to visit Laos in 2016. “Given our history here, I believe that the United States has a moral obligation to help Laos heal,” he said.

“This is a fundamental component of bilateral agreements in the region,” said an official with the Office of Weapons Removal and Abatement in the Department of State’s Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, who declined to be named. “Working on our war legacy issues in countries, like Laos, is a fundamental part of our presence there.”

The 2023 Congressional Budget Justification from the state department requests roughly $237 million for conventional weapons destruction, listed as “Nonproliferation, Anti-Terrorism, Demining and Related Programs,” which is $17 million less than the prior year’s request.

The official contextualised the budget by explaining the U.S. government has multiple avenues to fund humanitarian mine action, listing initiatives by the Agency for International Department and the Department of Defense’s Humanitarian Demining Research and Development Program.

“There may be discrepancies between what is requested and appropriated. These discrepancies are nothing more than us working through the bureaucracy of funding, which has limits and restrictions,” the official said. “Congress prioritises U.S.-origin contamination and continues to take responsibility for past actions.”

If the proposed budget is approved, “East Asia & Pacific” encompassing Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam would be among the regions cut deepest. The latter two nations, however, would be left relatively unscathed.

Vietnam may receive an additional $2 million for 2023 mine action compared to the previous two years. Funding would remain unchanged for Cambodia, which recently recognised 30 years since official mine action began but is still considered one of the most mine-affected countries in the world.

The state department requested $24.4 million for conventional weapons destruction support in Laos for 2023, a 60% drop from the $40 million received in 2021 and more than $5 million less than 2022.

“If U.S. funding were to be reduced, it would be difficult to replace it with other donors because there are many competing priorities and other donors may not have the same sort of long-term relationship or obligation the U.S. has to Laos,” Harrison of Norwegian People’s Aid said.

As an American, Harrison believes her government is obligated to help: “We are clearing U.S. munitions that were dropped illegally in a secret war. I would expect the U.S. should be the largest donor to clearance efforts in Laos.”

The U.S. Embassy in Laos declined to be interviewed, stating “we continue to work together on resolving the painful legacy of war” and hope “to remove UXO as a barrier to Laos’ national development by 2030.”

The potential blow to funding would coincide with the 50th anniversary of the last American bomb dropped in Laos.

“If we really say we should care about ASEAN nations, with [President Joe Biden] hosting the U.S.-ASEAN summit, why not do the right thing and support these countries where they are asking for support,” Koulabdara of Legacies of War said. “We should not be going backwards, we should be going forward.”

Legacies of War has lobbied members of Congress to alter the proposed cut to conventional weapons destruction funding.

More than a hundred U.S. House representatives signed a letter in April that said “more resources are needed to remove this deadly detritus of war, demonstrate continued resolve for removing U.S. legacy ordnance, and strengthen diplomatic relations.”

A similar letter signed by nearly half of the U.S. Senate in May said “continued U.S. leadership in demining will promote effective and efficient programs that save lives, promote economic development, facilitate stability, and expand American influence.”

The two documents requested a global budget of $290 million for conventional weapons destruction, compared to the current request of about $237 million. The letters supported a $80 million allocation to East Asia & Pacific, $50 million of which would go directly to Laos.

The state department official pointed to total year-to-year increases of U.S. funding to Laos as proof Congress has continued its commitment to the country.

While the 2023 fiscal year will begin in October 2022, the official explained the budget will likely be approved in portions over the next several months.

Koulabdara worked with senators to introduce the Legacies of War Recognition and Unexploded Ordnance Removal Act in 2020. The bill would have secured $100 million for Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam each fiscal year from 2021 to 2025. The most recent action on the bill was a September 2020 referral to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

“This is long overdue. It should have already been passed. We should already be receiving greater than $100 million a year,” said Koulabdara, who was born and lived in Laos for six years until her parents emigrated to the U.S. to avoid the dangers of unexploded ordnance.

“This is a humanitarian issue and we should treat it as so,” Koulabdara said. “It should be our top priority.”

Competing crises

The majority of foreign aid fueling humanitarian mine action derives from five donors: America, the European Union, Germany, Japan and Norway. Their contributions accounted for 75% of international funding in 2020.

“Without international aid, we would not be able to have the same levels of operation,” Loddo said. “That is pretty evident.”

With mine action so dependent on a short list of donors, Loddo explained a policy shift or budget cut is “never good news.” Although there are only slight variations in overall annual donations, she has observed a “context of competing risks. You have Ukraine, Afghanistan, Covid, the environment.” 

The shifts in donations present an ongoing challenge for Laos and others trying to secure the money to sweep away the remnants of war.

“By studying support for mine action,” she said, “we can show the donor community what is available, what are the gaps and what we need to do to not let those major crises overshadow mine action.”

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